Revista de Ciencias Sociales (RCS)
Vol. XXX, No. 4, Octubre - Diciembre 2024.
pp. 42-65
FCES - LUZ ● ISSN: 1315-9518 ● ISSN-E:
2477-9431
Como citar: Pacheco-Luza, E.,
Álvarez-Becerra, R., Acevedo-Duque, Á., y Bustamante-Cabrera, G. (2024). Living
environments: Gender violence in the Peruvian highlands. Revista De Ciencias
Sociales, XXX(4), 42-65.
Living environments:
Gender violence in the Peruvian highlands
Pacheco-Luza, Edgard*
Álvarez-Becerra, Rina**
Acevedo-Duque, Ángel***
Bustamante-Cabrera, Gladys****
Abstract
This research addresses
the concerning living conditions of indigenous women and girls in the Peruvian
highlands, who face situations of violence and discrimination that contradict
the United Nations Agenda's Goal 3 (Health and Well-being). The main objective
was to analyze the perceptions of indigenous women (Aymara and Quechua) who are
victims of intimate partner violence regarding the barriers to seeking formal
institutional help. A qualitative methodology based on grounded theory was
employed, with a reflexive thematic analysis design. Seventeen interviews were
conducted with women aged 22 to 60 who met the criteria of having experienced
intimate partner violence and self-identifying as Aymara or Quechua. Key
findings include self-silencing behaviors, fear of the aggressor’s reaction and
the consequences of seeking help, as well as the minimization and justification
of the violence, which perpetuate the abuse. Additionally, a cultural stigma
was identified that questions women’s rights over their traditional gender
roles, thus hindering their well-being and safety. Social barriers at multiple
levels further prevent these women from seeking formal help, reinforcing the
cycle of violence.
Keywords: Intimate partner
violence; indigenous women; help-seeking barriers; cultural stigma; gender
roles.
Entornos de vida: Violencia
de género en la sierra peruana
Resumen
Esta
investigación aborda las preocupantes condiciones de vida de las mujeres y
niñas indígenas de la sierra peruana, quienes enfrentan situaciones de
violencia y discriminación que contradicen el Objetivo 3 de la Agenda de las
Naciones Unidas (Salud y Bienestar). El objetivo principal fue analizar las
percepciones de las mujeres indígenas (Aymaras y Quechuas) víctimas de
violencia de pareja sobre las barreras para buscar ayuda institucional formal.
Se empleó una metodología cualitativa basada en la teoría fundamentada, con un
diseño de análisis temático reflexivo. Se realizaron diecisiete entrevistas a
mujeres de 22 a 60 años que cumplieron con los criterios de haber experimentado
violencia de pareja y autoidentificarse como aymaras o quechuas. Entre los
hallazgos clave se encuentran conductas de autosilenciamiento, miedo a la
reacción del agresor y a las consecuencias de buscar ayuda, así como la
minimización y justificación de la violencia, que perpetúan el abuso.
Adicionalmente, se identificó un estigma cultural que cuestiona los derechos de
las mujeres sobre sus roles de género tradicionales, obstaculizando así su
bienestar y seguridad. Las barreras sociales en múltiples niveles impiden aún
más que estas mujeres busquen ayuda formal, reforzando el ciclo de violencia.
Palabras clave: Violencia de
pareja; mujeres indígenas; barreras para buscar ayuda; estigma cultural; roles
de género.
Introduction
Living
conditions are associated with the set of factors and circumstances that
influence the quality of life of people in a certain place or society. These
conditions can vary greatly depending on the geographical, economic, social,
and political context. It is important to note that living conditions can vary
significantly among different population groups, such as people of different
ages, genders, ethnicities, or socioeconomic levels (Sztumski, 2021). To
improve living conditions in general, it is necessary to comprehensively
address these aspects and promote public policies that guarantee equitable
access to the resources and services necessary for a dignified and quality
life.
From
the perspective of this research, the representative knowledge highlights the
need to continue promoting life conditions focused on well-being (World Health
Organization [WHO], 2012; ONU Mujeres, 2018). It is estimated that one in three
women and girls experiences physical or sexual violence at some point in their
lives, representing 30% of women between the ages of 15 and 49 who have
suffered sexual violence from their partner (WHO, 2021).
While,
this scenario poses a challenge to the health and well-being expectations
established in SDG 3 and gender equity and equality of SDG 5 of the 2030 Agenda
for Sustainable Development. Reaching target 5.2 is a global challenge due to
the universality of violence against women. Improving the understanding of
intimate partner violence provides language that reinforces compliance with SDG
5.
Violence
against women continues to be a problem in the world since it violates the
hu-man rights of women and burdens countries (WHO, 2021). In the United States,
intimate partner violence occurs in more than a third of women (Stewart &
Vigod, 2019; Luebke et al., 2023); in Florida it is a common problem (Houseman
& Semien, 2022). Likewise, in Asia and the Pacific (Jewkes et al., 2017;
Nagashima-Hayashi et al., 2022); in South Africa (Rapanyane, 2021); Ghana (Ajayi
& Soyinka-Airewele, 2018; Apatinga, 2019); Pakistan in South Asia (Roomani
et al., 2016; Ali, Farhan & Ayub, 2020; Wassan, Channa & Syed, 2021),
among other countries, the processes that aim at sustainable health and
well-being (Ajayi & Soyinka-Airewele, 2018) are moving forward. This
problem is similar in Latin American and Caribbean countries, such as Brazil
(Formiga et al., 2021); Ecuador (Tayupanda et al., 2021; Donoso et al., 2021).
In
Peru, a particular situation is evident in women and girls, violence against
women reflects an unequal power dynamic created within the gender binary system
(Tsapalas et al., 2021) in different regions (Castillo, Bernardo & Medina, 2018;
Fernández, Quiñonez & Prado, 2019; Carrión-Abarca & Aranda, 2022;
Rincón et al., 2024), which is reflected in a 15.1% of women who have suffered
physical and/or sexual violence (Observatorio Nacional de la Violencia contra
las Mujeres y los Integrantes del Grupo Familiar, 2021).
However,
the profile of violence against rural indigenous women in Peru is 64.1%
(Observatorio Nacional de la Violencia contra las Mujeres y los integrantes del
Grupo Familiar, 2018). This could suggest that
it is indigenous women who are exposed to greater sexual violence and human
rights violations than non-indigenous women (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2019), with
a greater risk of femicide than women from urban-urban-marginal areas (Quispe
et al., 2018).
Many
victims of violence, whether indigenous or not, often remain silent, refraining
from reporting their aggressors (Falcke, Gonçalves
& Wagner, 2017; Arisukwu et al., 2021), which reinforces the cycle of
violence (Both et al., 2020). In the Peruvian highlands, many victims do not
report violent crimes or seek help, contributing to a “dark figure” of
unreported cases (Mujica, 2011). Among indigenous women, there is greater
tolerance or resignation towards violence, making it a largely underreported
crime (Benoit et al., 2016; Smith et al., 2018). The refusal to seek help
extends to both formal channels, such as the police and support centers, and
informal support from family, community, or friends.
Although
research that analyzes the behaviors of women victims of violence has
in-creased in Peru (Benavides et al., 2019), there are still unexplored knowledge
gaps. There are few studies that focus on barriers to access or on
understanding why indigenous women do not seek formal help (Romero &
Olivares, 2021). In this study, the purpose was to answer the research
question: What is the perception of the Aymara indigenous women of Tarata in
Tacna and the Quechua women of Sicuani in Cusco about the barriers to seeking
formal institutional help in cases of partner violence? Similarly, the
objective of the research was to analyze the perception of indigenous Aymara
women from Tarata in Tacna and Quechua women from Sicuani in Cusco regarding
the barriers to seeking for-mal institutional help in cases of intimate partner
violence.
1. Theoretical
foundation
1.1. Life conditions: Intimate partner violence
Living
conditions and intimate partner violence are two related but different aspects.
However, from the situation experienced with indigenous women, this is closely
related (Romero & Olivares, 2021). Living conditions are associated with a
set of factors that in-fluence the quality of life of these women; while
violence is exposed through physical, emotional or sexual aggression that
occurs within a relationship in this type of ethnic group.
Violence
occurs in the context of an intimate relationship. Associated terms include
interpersonal violence, domestic violence, partner abuse, which vary in their
conceptualization and do not always refer to the same composition of violence (Ramírez,
Alarcón & Ortega, 2020; Orozco, Jiménez
& Cudris-Torres, 2020; Romero & Olivares, 2021). The types of
Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) can occur singularly and simultaneously; and
include psychological, sexual, physical, economic abuse, and intimidating
behaviors (Riffe-Snyder, Crist
& Reel, 2022; Razaghi et
al., 2022). Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) involves the concept of power and
the use of superiority over the other (De Souza et al., 2018) and has a
structural, social and political character (Castañeda & Torres, 2015) in
which various factors come together. Therefore, the theoretical model of
Grigsby & Hartman (1997) guided the present investigation.
This
model theorizes the barriers to well-being and help-seeking avoidance behaviors
of women victims of intimate partner violence. Within the model (see Figure I),
abused women are placed at the core of four aggregated concentric levels, with
each circle symbolizing a layer of possible barriers to seeking help and
leaving the circle of violence: circle 1 of environmental barriers, the second
referring to family, socialization, and role expectations, the third of
barriers resulting from the psychological effects of violence, and, ultimately,
the circle of barriers caused by difficulties related to child abuse and
neglect (Grigsby & Hartman, 1997). It is now accepted to study barriers to
well-being and non-seeking behaviors of domestic violence survivors, as it
provides a coherent approach to understanding them.
Source: Own elaboration,
2024 adapted from Grigsby &
Hartman (1997).
Figure I: Barriers
Model
Indigenous
women from the Peruvian highlands may also feel responsible for the violence
and stay away from family, friends, and community members (Riffe-Snyder et al., 2022). The
existing violence in this part of the Peruvian region is an important public
health problem that affects a third of the women in the world, and it is also a
silent problem among the indigenous people of the country.
2. Methodology
2.1. Design
A
qualitative approach (Creswell, 2013), was adopted with a reflexive thematic
analysis design (Braun & Clarke, 2019), based on a reflexive engagement
with the analytical process to refer and structure the thematic categories
according to the barriers to help-seeking for intimate partner violence in
indigenous Quechua women from Sicuani in Cusco and Aymara women in Tarata de
Tacna, which are highland regions of Peru.
2.2. Setting
The
data were obtained from two Peruvian regions, from the province of Sicuani
located at an altitude of 3,549 meters above sea level in Cusco where the women
speak Quechua and Spanish. And from the high Andean area of Tarata or
“Tarataya” which means very cold place (Inca Yunka territory) located at 4,500
meters above sea level where Spanish and Aymara are spoken, with Inca
settlements still present in both places. The local population is mainly
dedicated to agriculture and cattle raising. Most of the participants are engaged
in agricultural and livestock activities in villages or towns, since most of
the local women are involved in micro-commercial, consumer and subsistence
economic activities (Observatorio Nacional de la Violencia contra las Mujeres y
los integrantes del Grupo Familiar, 2019).
2.3. Participants
As a
selection strategy, referral sampling was used, seventeen indigenous Quechua
and Aymara women participated. Theoretical sampling was used (Robinson, 2014).
The women were eligible according to the following inclusion criteria: (a) If
they had suffered violence against women in the intimate partner relation-ship
(IPV) in the context of cohabitation or were legally married (they could be
living with the perpetrator, separated or divorced); (b) self-identified as
belonging to the Aymara or Quechua population, and (c) were 18 years of age or
older (see Table 1). All participants were bilingual (Quechua-Spanish and
Aimara Spanish). Exclusion criteria: Pregnant women or women with ongoing
complaints at the time of the interview. None of the women interviewed refused
to participate (González-Díaz et al., 2021).
Table 1
Distribution and characterization of the unit of
analysis
|
|
|
Pseudonym |
Age |
Occupation |
Ethnicity |
|
|
1 |
|
Carlota |
45 |
Housewife |
Quechua |
|
|
2 |
|
Eduviges |
25 |
Housewife |
Aymara |
|
|
3 |
|
Asiri |
60 |
Housewife |
Quechua |
|
|
4 |
|
Rosa |
37 |
Housewife |
Aymara |
|
|
5 |
|
Paqari |
40 |
Housewife |
Aymara |
|
|
6 |
|
Dora |
22 |
Housewife |
Aymara |
|
|
7 |
|
Yoli |
22 |
Technique |
Aymara |
|
|
8 |
|
Flor |
43 |
Salesperson |
Quechua |
|
|
9 |
|
Alaja |
55 |
Housewife |
Aymara |
|
|
10 |
|
Lula |
38 |
Farmer |
Aymara |
|
|
11 |
|
Rosalina |
39 |
Housewife |
Aymara |
|
|
12 |
|
Florina |
40 |
Emollient saleswoman |
Quechua |
|
|
13 |
|
Teófila |
43 |
Goat breeding |
Aymara |
|
|
14 |
|
Marina |
35 |
Street vendor |
Aymara |
|
|
15 |
|
Cusisiña |
43 |
Merchant |
Quechua |
|
|
16 |
|
Chaska |
44 |
Housewife |
Quechua |
|
|
17 |
|
Urpi |
55 |
Farmer |
Quechua |
|
Source: Own elaboration, 2024.
2.4. Instruments
A
semi-structured interview was used with open-ended questions formulated
face-to-face, since they allow proximity and flexibility to capture emerging
findings (Pope & Mays, 2013) and a deep understanding of the topic. For its
elaboration, a matrix of categories was made according to the research
objective. The topics considered were familiarization, ex-ternal context,
psychological, socio-family and gender role, linked to help-seeking behaviors,
based on Hulley et al. (2023).
The
instrument was validated by five experts (psychologists with experience in
working with women victims of violence, methodologists, academics with expertise
in qualitative research). Before starting the fieldwork, the understanding of
the questions was validated by a sample of three interviewees and modified
according to the results of the pilot test (see Table 2).
Table
2
Topics and Guiding Questions
|
Topic |
Guiding questions |
|
External context |
What was your
experience of IPV violence in your setting? |
|
How did intimate
partner violence against you occur? |
|
|
How do you think
other women in the community view violence by their husband or partner? What
do you think? |
|
|
Psychological context |
How did you react to ask
for help? |
|
What aspects do you think
made it easier for you to ask for help or not? |
|
|
Personally, did you have
the strength or courage to decide to ask for help or to communicate or not to
communicate to any authority that you had suffered violence from your
partner? |
|
|
Socio-family context and
gender role |
How accessible or easy
was it for you to ask for help for the problem of violence you had been
suffering? |
|
What are the difficulties
or problems that women who suffer intimate partner violence have in reporting
or asking for help? |
|
|
How do you think other
women in the community view intimate partner violence? |
|
|
In what ways could the
community help you? And institutions such as the police? the justice system
(law)? the health post? the church? |
Source:
Own elaboration, 2024.
2.5. Procedure
Before
data collection, a dialogue was initiated with older women who hold natural
leadership roles in the community. These leaders were informed about the
purpose of the study and offered their support for the research. They served as
key informants, helping to identify and approach women who had experienced
intimate partner violence. The participants, after providing informed consent,
were thoroughly briefed on the objectives of the research and were given the
appropriate time and location details for the interviews.
Cultural
sensitivity and possible biases or interests were considered, so the research
assistants were local university women trained by the research team. One of the
researchers was constantly monitoring data collection in the field. The tone of
the interview was friendly and respectful, which helped the participants feel
relaxed and prevented them from becoming frightened or distrustful. All
participants were asked the same questions; however, the interviewers made
intermittent probes or interventions to clarify ideas and responses related to
partner behaviors or help-seeking.
The
interview guide was prepared in Spanish; however, there was the opportunity to
ask questions in the local language according to the interviewee's preference.
It was also considered that recounting experiences of violence can be
traumatic, so psychological counseling was made available, arranged by the
authors of the research. Permission was re-quested from the participants for
the audio recording of the interviews. In all cases, a pseudonym was used to
anonymize and protect the identity of the respondents.
Interviews
were conducted between December 2022 and February 2023 and occurred in one
session in all cases. The duration was between 30 to 60 minutes on average, in
order to ensure meaningful discourse for analysis. All participants were asked
to choose the time and place for the interviews, so all interviews were
conducted at different times and places. They were transcribed in the word
processor and assigned an alphanumeric code for analysis.
2.6. Ethical and quality criteria
The
research was approved by the Ethics Committee of the Hospital Hipólito Unanue
de Tacna (Code 100-CIÉI-2022). The ethical principles of the Declaration of
Helsinki (Asociación Médica Mundial [AMM], 2020), on confidentiality,
anonymity, and the right of the participants to stop participating without
consequences were ensured and strictly observed.
Prior
to each interview, the informed consent process was discussed. This served to
in-form about the purpose of the research, the rights of the participants, the
use of the results, confidentiality and privacy measures, the form of
identification and disidentification of the interviews. As well as the possible
risks/benefits of their participation and the right to withdraw from the study
at any time if they chose to do so. Each participant was asked to choose a pseudonym
for anonymity purposes. All members of the research team scrupulously adhered
to the ethical recommendations suggested by the World Health Organization (WHO,
2001) for studies of intimate partner violence.
Quality
criteria including credibility, confidence, confirmability, confirmability, and
transferability were applied (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Credibility rigor was
achieved through triangulation and peer-reporting. Research team members
reviewed and analyzed the data, analyses, and interpretations. Themes developed
were 95% in agreement; discrepancies were submitted for discussion for a final
decision. The reflective log of the first author was reviewed by another member
with the role of auditor diriment, who assessed the possibility of evidence of
bias and indicated that it could be continued due to the transparency of what
was performed. Also, for confirmability, formal declarations of compliance with
standards and non-existence of conflict of interest were included. An audit
trail of analytical interpretations was constantly maintained for ongoing
reference by the research team.
2.7. Qualitative data analysis
For
the data analysis, an inductive logic based on reflexive thematic analysis was
applied (Braun & Clarke, 2021) as a method to identify, analyze, and
explore patterns in the data (Braun & Clarke, 2006). All researchers, who
have experience in qualitative research, reviewed the transcripts to verify
their accuracy and made the necessary corrections. The analysis followed
several steps: first, the interview transcripts were repeatedly read using the
ATLAS TI v.22 software to familiarize with the information, identify potential
limitations, and decide on the analysis approach. Second, the search and
identification of themes were conducted, along with the creation of categories,
the development of semantic maps, and the preparation of code tables. The
iterative data analysis (Creswell & Creswell, 2017) allowed for organizing
and coding the qualitative data, facilitating the identification of emerging
patterns and themes.
The
whole team participated in the coding (free coding and live coding), which
allowed consensus to be established in cases of discrepancies in code naming
and interpretations. A third step was to establish categories and subcategories
with labels. Potential themes emerged that are evident in the reduction and
synthesis of the code. To formulate the final report, the meaning generation
strategy (Carrasco & Gavilán, 2014) (identification of pat-terns, frequency
of codes from the interviews, relationships between codes (factorization) was
used to demonstrate the explanatory power of the codes according to the density
obtained from the number of relationships above the average of these. Codes
were considered significant if they met at least one of the above conditions.
3. Results and discussion
This
section presents the results of the hermeneutic-interpretative analysis of the
interviews, focusing on the experiences of Quechua and Aymara indigenous women
who encountered various barriers in seeking help for situations of violence. These
barriers were grouped into three main categories: Psychological barriers,
barriers related to the socio-family context and gender roles, and barriers
stemming from the external context.
3.1. Key informant responses: Psychological barriers
The
results in this section of the research address the psychological barriers that
play a significant role in violence against Quechua and Aymara women (see Chart
I). These barriers can make it difficult to identify, report and seek help in
situations of violence against Quechua and Aymara women, which requires
comprehensive approaches that include aware-ness-raising and education on
gender and human rights, the promotion of leadership and participation of women
in the decision-making, the strengthening of support and protection services,
and the implementation of policies and legislation that guarantee equality and
nonviolence. An opportunity to clarify the meaning of violence in Quechua and Aymara
women is found in Peru. According to the statements of 17 indigenous women,
this type of violence is intertwined with psychological determinants (see
Figure I).
Source: Own
elaboration, 2024.
Chart I: Psychological
Barriers
a. Fear
For
women who were raped by their intimate partner, a powerful obstacle to seeking
for-mal help was the fear of the partner's reaction (see Chart I). Not only that they would be
raped again, but also that it would harm their children (Herrero-Arias et al.,
2021), even though, in some cases, they had the support of their family.
Nothing can be done against the man. Right? Living in
fear, not being able to tell anyone. There are others who are afraid to tell
them. What will they say to me? That I live like this, many laugh, others will
feel me and what do they do? They keep quiet, nothing else. (Dora, 22 years
old, Aymara)
If you denounce, all of a sudden, it becomes more
violent with everyone, with me and with my children. Other women go through the
same thing (...). I think that (...) she is not able to ask for help, because
she has half a man, right? You don't have the courage, because of the fear of
the reaction and the violence of the partner. (Carlota, 45 years old, Quechua)
It was difficult for me to ask for help because of
fear. I spent two years with that partner who mistreated me all that time (...).
The problem in reporting is fear. (...) An impediment (...) is always fear, of
what will happen if they report them. (Paqari, 40 years old, Aymara)
Despite
IPV, women experience fear of separation: “I wouldn't want to separate. How
will my life be when I separate”, I used to say Florina (40 years old, Quechua).
Likewise, fear extends to the social environment that surrounds her (Ferreira
et al., 2018), due to reproaches or the possibility of not having the help of
her direct family, if they did not have any participation or interference in
the decision to live together or get married. Two participants pointed out: “Me
too, well I don't know how to tell them. Because I was afraid that they [the
victim's family] would punish me too for getting me a man like that. And also
for going to live with him” (Teófila, 43 years old, Aymara).
I was so blinded and afraid that I could do almost
nothing. Even though I had my son by my side, I should have been strong and
reacted well. But no! I was constantly threatened and mistreated, and the fear
didn't let me defend myself. He always turned his whole family against me.
(Marina, 35 years old, Aymara)
b. Minimization and justification of intimate partner
violence
The
women minimized the man's violent behaviors (see Chart I), as they tried to justify them with rea-sons related to
work, behaviors typical of a lover, personality and as behaviors learned from
the aggressor's upbringing in contexts of violence.
But maybe he came home angry from work, the thing is
that I never ask him why he comes home angry. I understood him. As I said,
maybe it's because of his work, because their work is tiring, that's why I
understood him. (Lula, 38 years old, Aymara)
In
other cases, the consequences are minimized, establishing limits according to
the seriousness of the facts or having a limited understanding of the crime of
sexual aggression. As a result, Quechua and Aymara women have difficulty in
correctly attributing the qualification of crime to the VIP and in other cases
in recognizing abuse or violence as a crime, and abusive behaviors go
unnoticed. This constitutes a barrier for women to seek access routes for help
in cases of IPV and to denounce the aggressor.
When I was a young girl, he also grabbed me by force
and, like rape, it will be like that. When I was alone, he took advantage of
me. I didn't accuse him, nor did I go to the police (...) so he got me
pregnant. (Cusisiña, 43 years old, Quechua)
In
many cases, women blame themselves for the perpetrator's acts of violence (Kennedy
& Prock, 2018), which con-tributes to dismissing the possibility of seeking
help for them. They feel guilty, perhaps as a conscious or unconscious way of
justifying the partner's violence to themselves and others. “Eh... sometimes I
think it's my fault. Uhm..., when I have an argument with my husband, I say: I
shouldn't have said that, I shouldn't have done that, but it happens and we
start talking as if nothing had happened” (Carlota, 45 years old, Quechua).
On the
other hand, women in IPV experiences define their own limits and criteria of
the magnitude of violence they must tolerate in order to act, since in some
cases, they consider that the tolerable limits are exceeded depending on
whether it was very frequent or if the physical harm was not serious: “If it
had been a blow, if there had been no fracture, maybe I would have put up with
it” (Dora, 22 years old, Aymara).
c. Silent behavior
In
intimate partner abuse relationships, intimacy plays an important role in the
way women approach victimization from their perspective and how they decide
what behavior to follow to seek help. Many Quechua and Aymara women reacted
with silence, with-out complaints or protests, which not only decreases the
likelihood, but also becomes a powerful barrier to seeking help (see Chart I). One participant said: “I
keep quiet; I didn't tell anyone anything. I pretend nothing happened, I don't
say anything” (Carlota, 45 years old, Quechua).
The
reasons for keeping silent, had different reasons. Several women said that the
reason was fear of the aggressors' reaction or to protect their children:
If you love him when you want to, when you love him, I
believe that you cannot hit or hit each other. Suddenly, he didn't love me,
just like that, I realize it. Later, when I had children, I just put up with
it. I couldn't do anything, I couldn't complain, I had to keep quiet, just like
that. (Alaja, 55 years old, Aymara)
In
other cases, self-silencing is influenced by cultural and social values
(Santillan et al., 2002; Ali et al., 2020), linked to stigma and criticism of
women suffering from IPV. A Quechua participant said: “Saying (referring to
herself): people would talk about me, about what violates me, mis-treats me.
That's why I don't keep quiet anymore (...) Women almost always don't say anything.
If he hits us, what can we do” (Urpi, 55 years old, Quechua). The women's
silence allowed the violence to continue and prevented them from seeking help
from formal and vicarious sources of support.
d. Non-help-seeking behaviors IPV
Help-seeking
avoidance behaviors depend on the silence of IPV victims (see Chart I). The participants remained
silent and did not consider seeking help a possibility: “I didn't tell anyone,
I didn't go to the police or anything (...) Before, I didn't even think about
doing anything, I didn't see it as a possibility” (Rosalina, 39 years old,
Aymara).
In
some cases, the women know of a formal source of help (Satyen, Rogic &
Supol, 2019), but they still avoid seeking help: "I have never gone to
complain, to any place. I used to say, I'm going to go complain to the DEMUNA,
go to your DEMUNA lover, complain, complain! That's what she said to me. I
didn't go, just for words I would say". (Alaja, 55 years old, Aymara).
The psychological
impediments to seeking help were fear, especially fear of separation and
reaction from the partner, minimization and justification of the violence and a
behavior of silence in the face of the violence suffered by the women. In this
process, they experience behavioral reactions of limiting or avoiding
help-seeking (see Figure II).
Source: Own
elaboration, 2024.
Figure II: Semantic
Network of Psychological Barriers to Help Seeking in Peruvian Aymara and
Quechua Women
4.2. Responses from key informants: Barriers of the
socio-family context and gender role
a. Perception of harm to the welfare of the children
The
possibility of asking for help is reduced if the women think that by doing so
they will harm the well-being of the children because of the violent reaction
of the partners against the children (Zeoli et al., 2013). However, the
possibility of improving their well-being is an incentive to overcome their
fear and seek help or separate, especially if the children are no longer
children (see Chart II).
Source: Own
elaboration, 2024.
Chart
II: Psychological of the Social
Family Context and Gender Role
If I separate, we'll split up - he will tell me -. If
you can tell me, we'll split up. I make myself stay with two boys, since there
are five of them. He knows how to touch me with three and he knows how to touch
me with two. So, I love my children, all my children. I don't leave even one, I
have stayed for my children, for my children. (Alaja, 55 years old, Aymara)
b. Lack of knowledge of formal aid routes and
institutions
Many
women are unfamiliar and unaware of the routes and formal institutions that
pro-vide assistance to women victims of IPV (see Chart II). They also reported difficulties in identifying or
seeking formal help, as two participants said: “Yes, it was difficult as I was
telling you the beginning, to see if someone could help me. I wasn't sure where
to go. But, no, so I gave up. How many years I was putting up with” (Lula, 38
years old, Aymara). Another woman said:
Myself then, I no longer renounce, nothing. I am an
employee in my house. I have to cook food. He doesn't help me [the partner] or
ask what is missing? I have to solve everything. And he doesn't do anything,
I'm bored with that. I don't know how to ask for help, where to go. Uhm...
(Cusisiña, 43 years old, Quechua)
c. Lack of social and
family support
The
lack of social support from the family to help women leave abusive
relationships is linked to the traditional and cultural values of the ancestral
practice of Aymara and Quechua coexistence (see Chart II). In these, it is recognized that there is no equality
between men and women, but rather a complementarity of differences between
them, especially in terms of roles (Carrasco & Gavilán, 2014). Patriarchal
norms and cultural pressure are linked to women's sense of isolation and
limited resources to ask for help, which discourages the decision to leave an
abusive relationship. In many cases the patriarch or his or her matriarch
intercedes with the victim to prevent the perpetrator from being denounced and
in other cases, even sup-ports or encourages violence against the wife or son's
partner.
The
following quote from a survivor of IPV highlights the ways in which these
concepts operate to keep women in abusive relationships:
Before, I didn't ask for help because of my father's
orders. He would always tell me: 'Why did you get a husband? Now hold on, tie
ten ropes around your head to cut off your husband, you asked for it. As he
used to say that to me, I didn't say anything. I just knew what was going on
with him- (Carlota, 45 years old, Aymara)
Likewise,
cultural values reward women's submission and male dominance, which were
significant themes among the experiences of Quechua and Aymara IPV. What was
taught in the social and family nucleus corresponds to training for adult life,
according to the social and cultural perspective defined for each gender, with
the fullness being the behaviors exhibited in the adult stage and the formation
of a family through cohabitation or marriage. A Quechua woman recalled a
teaching of yesteryear, of the way in which she should try to take care of her
partner: “This is what we have been told before, since I was young, “Men, women
have to take care of everything, they have to wash their little pieces”, so we
have to do with them” (Cusisiña, 43 years old, Quechua).
d. Distrust of the public authorities
The
women were distrustful of public institutions to seek help, especially the
police force (see Chart II).
Seeking help to escape the abuse was fraught with high expectations of
receiving support for their denunciation (Marmo, 2023). However, many felt that
they were not listened to or that it was difficult to get help.
They don't take it into account, those things. You
have to be badly beaten or dying to get help. But... What about psychological
abuse, that is also important, they have to help you. But the institutions
don't take it seriously. Some institutions don't attend you, you have to have
blows on your body, otherwise they don't. (Chaska, 44 years old, Quechua)
The
Quechua and Aymara women interviewed felt that authority (especially the
police) was not a helpful alternative for their safety in the face of intimate
partner violence. On the contrary, they did not feel listened to.
As I said, I thought that the authorities [police]
would support me, but they did not. So what was I going to do? I left with low
morale. I came back, saying [herself]: This is not how justice is done. Here
then, to sue better I will do justice with my hands (...). But the only thing I
did, as I told her, we have already started to talk like this sitting down
[with the perpetrator]. Done! (Dora, 22 years old, Aymara)
Many
women were discouraged from seeking police support, and as such, had to
continue to endure the abuse. One woman stated her efforts to report IPV and
abuse when she tried to do so: “I went to report twice and the police never
listened to me No? No, what can I say, the po-lice don't support you. They just
leave you like that. They just yell at you, nothing else” (Rosa, 37 years old,
Aymara). “No institution has given me any kind of help. No, I don't know...”
(Florina, 40 years old, Quechua).
e. Social stigma hinders seeking help.
Remaining
loyal to one's partner or spouse is a barrier to leaving an abusive relationship
(see Chart II): “They told me to
separate. But I was the one who didn't want to. Because I said, 'What will
people say? They would say, 'Oh, what has he done? The woman is seen as guilty”
(Asiri, 60 years old, Quechua).
Many
women, within the Quechua and Aymara community, feared the consequences of
denouncing or leaving abusive relationships, due to social criticism and
humiliation for the families. The blame is placed on the woman, not the man. A
Quechua woman narrates that the fear of family and social criticism induced her
to ask her husband for forgiveness:
On the other hand, I do (the woman asks for
forgiveness) to calm my husband. For fear of my family. What will my family
say? What will people say to me? (...) There are times when people say, “This
woman is denouncing, just denouncing!” (Flor, 43 years old, Quechua)
A
woman who is separated or who denounces her partner for IPV is not well
regarded by others, so she is the victim of criticism and negative comments
towards the woman. The woman must respect her husband. The family and others
also keep silent, as it is not well seen to make IPV public:
Well, there are other people who tell you: So now as
they say: Break it up, break it up already! There are others who say: That's
life, what can you do! We'll have to put up with it, that's what they say. And
the old people, but well. My uncle says there: If you are going to separate,
what will people say? What will your family say? That's how it is, we have to
put up with it (Dora, 22 years old, Aymara)
f. Tolerance of violence
Women
accept violence perpetrated by an intimate partner, since it is tolerated as
normal behavior of the couple (see Chart
II). Tolerance is associated with social stigma at all levels (Igbolekwu
et al., 2021)., as even parents tolerate the violence, which makes it difficult
or difficult to disclose the abuse and seek help. As the following quote
illustrates, the family not only disapproves of reporting the crime, but also
highlights the significant impact of the culture of preserving the honor of the
sexually violated woman through marriage to the aggressor:
After he has abused me Uhm... no, I have warned some
ladies, that's how it happened to me... They told me: report him then! When I
denounced him, I made my mother see that denouncement. My mother, she burned
him. [The mother says] You have to bring him to the house! “denounces! ...
Uhm... pue. He's your boyfriend! Bring him to the house, let's talk. How are
you going to sleep with a stranger? Bring me! Bring me! Then I came to look for
him. Asking then, I took him. Then there, they talked with my mother. The next
day he had returned with his father, with his mother and with his brothers and
they brought me [they took the victim]. My mother handed me over. (Urpi, 55
years old, Quechua)
The
anchored conceptions that women should tolerate partner violence suggests a
superior hierarchical position of men, which made it difficult for women to
seek help.
That mentality, I carry to this day. I had it all my
life. I have lived with my partner for twenty years, with the father of my
children. And he beat me, he treated me like that, he treated me like anything.
He used to lift me up from my single life, all those things lifted me up. I put
up with it. That's how I put up with it (...) For 20 years we have lived like
that. That's when I denounced him. And from there now, I already have
documents, like this... (Flor, 43 years old, Quechua)
The
dynamics of the social position of men and women places women in a position of
lesser power and on a plane of inequality, which does not favor help-seeking behavior:
Violence, humiliation, beatings, it was always because
of the same thing. Because he has always been at the dances. That is, he pushed
me aside, as if I didn't exist. That's how I saw it. I didn't complain or
complain. I didn't sue him to the police. (Rosa, 37 years old, Aymara)
“I
have put up with my partner's violence like others. Just like that, without
denouncing him” (Urpi, 55 years old, Quechua).
The
results in this section of the investigation show that it is important to take
into account that the presence of one or several of these indicators does not
mean that a child is experiencing damage to well-being, since each situation
must be evaluated individually. However, if there are any concerns about the
well-being of a child, it is essential to seek appropriate support and
assistance, such as speaking with health professionals, social services or
reporting the abuse to the appropriate authorities (see Figure III).
Source:
Own elaboration, 2024.
Figure III: Semantic
network of barriers of the socio-familial context and the gender role for
seeking help in Peruvian Aymara and Quechua women
3.3. Responses of key informants: barriers of the
external context.
a.
Normalized violence
The
perception was found that the manifestations of IPV seem to have been
normalized, so they are not considered as such, and continue to manifest
themselves in the context of violence against women (see Chart III). This intersects with the
insidious prejudices of the culture, which favors the acceptance of IPV
(Palacios & Bayard, 2017). A quote from a participant clearly illustrates
this:
I am now going through the same violence with my partner.
With the father of my children, I have also lived like this. When I was 20
years old, I got married, so my mother used to say to me. Uhm..., you are
married, you have to respect your husband, for your children. (Flor, 43 years
old, Quechua)
Source:
Own elaboration, 2024.
Chart III: Psychological of the Social Family Context
and Gender Role
The
behavioral mechanism of women's submission and difficulty in recognizing that
mistreatment is not a sign of appreciation, hinders the visibility of IPV and
undermines initiatives and responses to help women victims: “Women get used to
mistreatment. Some say: 'If he loves you, he hits you! Many believe it is
normal, because he is their husband or partner” (Carlota, 45 years old,
Quechua).
Many
women do not attribute to IPV the criminal nature and its consequences. Two
women pointed out:
I did not complain, nor did I report it, because I
thought it was not so serious, a shout or a few blows. I thought it wasn't
serious, but I also knew how to handle it, didn't I, because it didn't go any
further. (Chaska, 44 years old, Quechua)
“Practically,
we already have to live like this, with violence” (Dora, 22 years old, Aymara).
b. Environment with experiences of violence against
women
The
participants have lived in environments with experiences of intimate partner
violence, as an external element (see Chart
III). Intimate partner violence of daughters and mothers: “Well, that
was when I was a child, wasn't it? For example, my parents argued. Well, mostly
my father was very violent with my mother, verbally and with blows too, that
is, physical aggression too” (Eduviges, 25 years old, Aymara).
In my family, that's how they have had problems. My
mother received all kinds of blows. She was afraid, because she was married,
she didn't want to lose her husband. And he, my dad, kept hitting her, until
one day they almost killed each other. So my mom wanted to kill herself, my dad
wanted to kill himself. We, the children were small, and we saw everything
(...). He hit us too. So, we would cry and tell him: Dad, don't hit my mom! (...)
I have seen many cases of women beaten, abused. (Flor, 43 years old, Quechua)
c. Economic dependence
Women's
economic dependence makes it difficult for women to ask for help or denounce
abusive relationships (see Chart III).
The particular characteristics of inequality between women and men, there is a
virilocal character in which the male exercises the ownership of the in-come,
although it is the woman who works or generates the profitability, which
deter-mines a subordination and economic dependence of the woman:
In my case, I work, I earn more or less, it will not
be good sometimes. God blesses me, people buy from me (...) I give my husband
the money. On his behalf, lots bought me (...). In the bank we also saved, also
in his name, because I respected my husband. So because of those things, I did
not handle my money. I would tell him, if there was something to pay in the
bank, I would help him. If there is something to save for the bank, I give it
to him [and she tells him] “go now and put it in your account”. (Flor, 48 years
old, Quechua)
Many
women desist from initiating or continuing to seek help. For example, she
regrets reporting him, which would allow her to continue with the judicial
process to obtain alimony or another protection measure. However, she hesitates
and desists due to insufficient or no economic capacity to assume the expenses
or meet basic family needs.
When I went to report him, I was sad. I'm going to
denounce! I'm going to get him summoned! Then I thought... What am I doing, now
who is even going to give me a sunshine? Who's going to help me? How will my
life be? (Florina, 40 years old, Quechua)
It is
essential to address these barriers from the external context through the
implementation of policies and laws that promote gender equality and the
prevention of violence, awareness raising and education on gender violence, the
creation of support networks and adequate services for victims and
strengthening the accountability of perpetrators. It is also important to
promote cultural and social changes that challenge the norms and beliefs that
perpetuate violence against women (see Figure IV).
Source:
Own elaboration, 2024.
Figure IV: Semantic Network of External Context
Barriers to Help Seeking in Peruvian Aymara and Quechua Women
3.4. Obstacles to Seeking Help for Intimate Partner
Violence in Indigenous Quechua and Aymara Women in the Altiplano Regions of
Peru
With regard to the
perception of the obstacles to seeking formal help for Quechua and Aymara
women, three areas were found that were described based on their experiences of
IPV throughout their lives: (a) Psychological barriers, (b) socio-family
context and gen-der barriers, and (c) barriers from the context external to the
woman (see Figure V).
Source:
Own elaboration, 2024.
Figure V: Semantic
Code Network
The
findings showed the frequency of the main emerging codes, which are graphically
visualized in the thickness of the flow of codes. There was a remarkable link
between the perception of harm to the welfare of children in both ethnicities
of women (Quechua and Aymara). As well as distrust in public institutions,
being more intense in Aymara women (see Table 3).
Table
3
The research yielded emerging categories
|
|
Aimara women Gr=292; GS=10 |
Quechua women Gr=239; GS=7 |
Total |
|
|||
|
|
No. |
% |
No. |
% |
No. |
||
|
Psychological Barriers: |
|
|
|
|
|
||
|
Behavior of silence in front of the violence GR=33 |
18 |
24.0 |
15 |
24.0 |
33 |
||
|
Fear is a barrier to ask for
help Gr=39 |
26 |
35.0 |
13 |
21.0 |
39 |
||
|
Fear of separation Gr=13 |
4 |
5.0 |
9 |
14.0 |
13 |
||
|
Minimization and justification of the violence Gr=32 |
13 |
18.0 |
19 |
30.0 |
32 |
||
|
Non-seeking behavior intimate couple violence Gr=20 |
13 |
18.0 |
7 |
11.0 |
20 |
||
|
Total |
74 |
100.0 |
63 |
100.0 |
137 |
||
|
Barriers of the Social
Family Context and Gender Role: |
|||||||
|
Distrust in public authorities as an obstacle to ask for help Gr=75 |
48 |
32.0 |
27 |
24.0 |
75 |
||
|
Ignorance of the formal help institutions Gr=24 |
14 |
9.0 |
10 |
9,0 |
24 |
||
|
No social and no familiar support and the existence of barriers to ask
for help Gr=26 |
18 |
12.0 |
8 |
7.0 |
26 |
||
|
Perception of harm of the well-being of children Gr=67 |
33 |
22.0 |
34 |
30.0 |
67 |
||
|
Social stigma blocks looking for help Gr=29 |
15 |
10.0 |
14 |
13.0 |
29 |
||
|
Tolerance towards violence Gr=41 |
22 |
15.0 |
19 |
17.0 |
41 |
||
|
Total |
150 |
100.0 |
112 |
100.0 |
262 |
||
|
External Barriers
Context: |
|||||||
|
Economic dependence of the women as a barrier to request help Gr=23 |
11 |
28.0 |
12 |
32.0 |
23 |
||
|
Environment with experiences of violence against women Gr=18 |
10 |
26.0 |
8 |
21.0 |
18 |
||
|
Normalized violence Gr=36 |
18 |
46.0 |
18 |
47.0 |
36 |
||
|
Total |
39 |
100.0 |
38 |
100.0 |
77 |
||
Source:
Own elaboration, 2024.
The
Sankey diagram provides a qualitative visualization of the barriers faced by
Quechua and Aymara Indigenous women when seeking help against intimate partner
violence (see Figure VI). The main barriers are divided into three categories:
Psychological, sociocultural, and structural. Among the psychological barriers,
there is tolerance towards violence and its normalization, reflecting how these
women may fail to identify or minimize the harm.
Source:
Own elaboration, 2024.
Figure VI: Sankey
diagram: Emerging codes
In the
sociocultural realm, social stigma and the lack of familial or community
support hinder access to help, while gender roles influence the justification
of violence. Structural barriers include distrust in public authorities and
economic dependency, which complicate the request for assistance. Through this
diagram, a clear connection is observed between different barrier factors and
how they similarly or differently affect both Quechua and Aymara women,
revealing patterns that converge and diverge between the two groups (see Figure
VI).
Conclusions
There
are multiple barriers that intersect at various levels, such as external
contextual, psychological, socio-familial and gender role barriers, which
prevented Quechua and Aymara women victims of intimate partner violence from
seeking formal help. They have self-silencing behaviors directly associated
with avoidance of seeking help, fear of the aggressor's reaction and the
consequences of seeking help or reporting. Also noteworthy are the behaviors of
minimization and justification of the violence, which strengthens behaviors of
avoidance of seeking help and perpetuation of abusive relationships.
Quechua
and Aymara women share similar challenges in seeking and receiving help, as
there is dis-trust in public agencies, lack of knowledge of the available
resources for help for violence in their community, exposure to cultural social
stigma that questions the behaviors of women who make their rights prevail over
their gender role, and little social and family support.
It is
essential to consider these challenges and take measures to address them in the
planning and execution of research with Indigenous women who suffer from
gender-based violence. This includes being aware of the local language and
cultural understanding, as well as conducting interviews in accessible and
comfortable locations for the Indigenous women participants. It is also
necessary to address some communication barriers, as many of these women often
faced difficulties expressing themselves in the language in which the research
was conducted. Furthermore, their understanding of the technical language used
in the interview questionnaires was limited.
Other
difficulties included limited access to participants, as many Indigenous women
reside in remote or hard-to-reach areas, complicating the research process.
Additionally, their mobility may be restricted by family responsibilities, such
as childcare. Distrust also emerged as an obstacle, with some women expressing
reluctance to participate due to their mistrust of the researchers, fueled by
fears of potential retaliation from their abusers. Cultural differences posed
another challenge, as the values, beliefs, and practices of Indigenous women
can influence their responses to the study's questions. Furthermore, issues of
representativeness arose, as women who did not participate may not adequately
reflect the broader Indigenous population. It is important to consider the
significant differences that may exist among the various Indigenous groups
involved.
The
perspective of this research focuses on understanding the barriers faced by
Quechua and Aymara women when seeking help in situations of intimate partner
violence. Through a qualitative approach, the aim is to delve into the
experiences and realities of these women, taking into account their
sociocultural contexts and the power dynamics that influence their well-being.
This research is grounded in the need to highlight the particularities of
gender-based violence in indigenous communities, where factors such as the
normalization of violence, social stigma, and distrust towards institutions can
limit access to assistance.
By
listening to and analyzing the voices of these women, the goal is not only to
identify the obstacles they face but also to generate knowledge that
contributes to the formulation of public policies and intervention programs
that are more inclusive and sensitive to the cultural realities of indigenous
communities. In this way, the research aspires to promote meaningful change in
how gender-based violence is addressed and support is provided to victims in
these contexts.
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