Los valores tradicionales y familiares como base de las actitudes de género de los jóvenes Galia Biserova 1 , Galiya Ldokova 2 , Guzalia Shagivaleeva 3 1 Candidate of Pedagogical Sciences, Associate Professor, Kazan Federal University, Elabuga Institute, Elabuga, Russia. E-mail: galia.biserova@mymail.academy; ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8929-5620 2 Candidate of Psychological Sciences, Associate Professor, Kazan Federal University, Elabuga Institute, Elabuga, Russia. E-mail: galiya.ldokova@mymail.academy; ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0009-0006-5105-7367 3 Candidate of Psychological Sciences, Associate Professor, Kazan Federal University, Elabuga Institute, Elabuga, Russia. E-mail: guzalia.shagivaleeva@mymail.academy; ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3603-1186 Resumen. El artículo analiza cómo el enfoque de género influye en la formación de valores familiares tradicionales, especialmente en jóvenes afectados por contextos traumáticos. Propone una educación que combine roles de género con valores cultu- rales, adaptándose a cambios sociales. Examina diferencias regionales en Rusia y su impacto en actitudes de género. Es una tarea importante de nuestra sociedad, y en consecuencia de todo el sistema educativo nacional, la educación de niños y jóvenes en el contexto de la inculcación de valores tradicionales y familiares, la conciencia de la misión de hombres y mujeres y la preparación para llevarla a cabo. Al mismo tiem- po, vivir durante largos periodos en zonas de combate y en primera línea, y estar en situaciones traumáticas prolongadas, hace que los jóvenes de las nuevas regiones de la Federación Rusa sean los más vulnerables a este problema. El artículo ofrece una breve perspectiva teórica para comprender el problema de los valores y las tradiciones familiares y matrimoniales en la sociedad moderna. Examina los valores tradicionales y familiares de niños y niñas en las regiones históricas y nuevas de Rusia y su influencia en la formación de actitudes de género, de acuerdo con las ideas culturales sobre el rol, la posición y el propósito de hombres y mujeres en la sociedad. Por ello, el enfoque de género permite considerar las características sociobiológicas del género, la asimilación de normas de comportamiento y actividad en la sociedad, así como los intereses, nece- sidades y preferencias inherentes a un rol de género específico. Palabras clave: género, actitudes de género, socialización de género, valores familiares, jóvenes de las nuevas regiones de la Federación de Rusia. Recibido: 25/02/2025 ~ Aceptado: 29/08/2025 INTERACCIÓN Y PERSPECTIVA Revista de Trabajo Social ISSN 2244-808X ~ Dep. Legal pp 201002Z43506 DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.17639869 Vol. 16 (1): 58 - 70 pp, 2026

Los valores tradicionales y familiares como base de las actitudes de género de los jóvenes 59 Vol. 16(1) enero - abril 2026/ 58 - 70 Traditional and family values as the basis of gender attitudes of youth Abstract. e article analyzes how the gender approach influences the formation of traditional family values, especially in young people affected by traumatic contexts. It proposes an education that combines gender roles with cultural values, adapting to social changes. It examines regional differences in Russia and their impact on gender attitudes. It is an important task of our society, and consequently of the entire national education system, to educate children and young people in the context of inculcating traditional and family values, awareness of the mission of men and women and prepar- ing them to carry it out. At the same time, living for long periods in combat zones and on the front line, and being in prolonged traumatic situations, makes young people in the new regions of the Russian Federation the most vulnerable to this problem. e ar- ticle offers a brief theoretical perspective to understand the problem of family and mar- riage values and traditions in modern society. It examines the traditional and family values of boys and girls in the historical and new regions of Russia and their influence on the formation of gender attitudes, according to cultural ideas about the role, posi- tion and purpose of men and women in society. erefore, the gender approach allows considering the sociobiological characteristics of gender, the assimilation of norms of behavior and activity in society, as well as the interests, needs, and preferences inherent to a specific gender role. Key words: gender, gender attitudes, gender socialization, family values, youth of new regions of the Russian Federation. INTRODUCTION Gender attitudes of the younger generation based on traditional and family values imply the internalization of a value system by boys—as future men—and girls—as future women, including behavioral norms, societal roles, interests, needs, tastes, and preferences associated with a particular gender role. It is values that form the foundation of worldviews, beliefs, and actions, serving as socio-pedagogical guidelines for educating the younger generation. In the socio-humanities, values are understood as normative statements about what ought to be from the standpoint of culture—broad principles that underpin beliefs and affirmations people regard as true. Cultural values and beliefs influence not only our perception of the surrounding world but also shape the very core of personality. e research problem lies not only in identifying the psychological differences between men and women, nor solely in justifying the expediency of complementarity in their social roles, and not merely in advocating traditional models of masculinity and femininity to foster a “correct” gender identity in children. More fundamentally, the issue concerns the inculcation of traditional and family values, where the roles of men and women are clearly defined—despite their personal challenges arising from differentiated psychological traits and the hierarchical structure of their so- cial roles, statuses, and positions in both micro- and macro-social environments, which may hinder self-realization in family and professional life (Kletsina, 2003).

60 Biserova, Ldokova, Shagivaleeva Interacción y Perspectiva. Revista de Trabajo Social Vol. 16(1): 2026 e relevance of the topic of traditional and family values is underscored by the fact that the modern Russian family is undergoing massive transformation. A significant portion of Russian youth now prioritize career, money, and success. Starting a family is pushed into the background. Only 40% of them consider education, a good job, and owning a home to be essential conditions for having children (Sambikina et al., 2023). It is assumed that similar trends are characteristic of young people in Novorossiya (the new regions of Russia). At the same time, it should be noted that youth as a social group is itself highly diverse and differentiated, depending significantly on the social environment. An analysis of psychological and pedagogical literature shows that the issue of traditional values and the value of family, as well as their influence on the gender stability of youth, has been explored by many researchers, both Russian and international. P. E. Kildyushova and R. A. Valeeva (2015) believe that the foundation for fostering a value-based attitude toward the family lies in a child’s awareness of the importance of love and mutual respect in the family and the understanding of its significance. O. A. Andrienko and S. N. Zubkova (2020) wrote about the influence of parents who, through everyday tasks, introduce girls to responsibility and activity, and boys to traditionally male duties. In the works of Sh. A. Amonashvili (2017), values are viewed as links that ensure the continuity of connections between generations. A value-based attitude is the subjective awareness of values in emotional or rational form. It is both a process of perceiving and understanding the world through the lens of values and the result of this process in the form of a personal stance on values as personally significant. It is evident that a value-based attitude toward the family and spiritual and moral values in children are formed only through direct interaction between the family and educational institu- tions. e work of O. G. Gruzdova and N. E. Stenyakova (2018) emphasized the obvious role of the school in nurturing a value-based attitude toward the family. Summarizing various approaches, we note that the foundation of traditional social the- ory is the education system (kindergarten, school, university), which should adapt a person to existing social relations (family, traditions, public morality) and to the acceptance of their gender identity (Akhmetshin et al., 2024; Shichkin et al., 2024; Akhmetshin et al., 2025). However, the primary foundation of personality socialization is the family itself, as a small so- cial group based on marriage, blood relations, or the individual need of people to be united. Within the family, the child assimilates social norms and cultural values. Clearly, the nature of marital relationships and the specifics of parent-child interactions shape the value-seman- tic structure of the child’s psyche. Relationships between family members involve four key factors: 1) Psychophysiological — involving biological kinship and sexual relations. 2) Psychological — based on openness, trust, mutual care, and moral and emotional support. 3) Social — involving role distribution, financial dependence, and status relations such as autho- rity, leadership, and subordination. 4) Cultural — including intra-family bonds and relationships shaped by the traditions and cus- toms of the culture in which the family exists.

Los valores tradicionales y familiares como base de las actitudes de género de los jóvenes 61 Vol. 16(1) enero - abril 2026/ 58 - 70 ese four factors form a system of relationships that define family upbringing. However, it is clear that within each of these aspects, there may be both harmony and conflict, which can have positive or negative effects on child-rearing. A child’s first life experiences, their initial observations, the nature of their interaction with parents, the degree of parental responsiveness, the presence of emotional bonds and attachment relationships, and modeled gender behavior all have a lasting impact throughout childhood. It is also evident that these early relationships will later serve as a kind of blueprint for building relation- ships with others. us, it can be concluded that values serve as the link that connects a person’s awareness of their sex and gender and, based on that awareness, the acceptance and transmission of their gender role. When considering the issue of values and family in connection with their influence on the gender stability of children and youth, it is important, in our view, to clarify the understanding of the terms “gender,” “gender socialization,” and “gender attitudes.” e word “gender” originates from the Latin meaning “kind” or “sex”; in modern usage, it refers to the differences between men and women as manifested in their social and private lives (Bern, 2004). e views of many Western scholars on sexual identity are not always straightforward or easily resolved. First, some individuals, due to their morphological characteristics, do not fully conform to the standard of either the male or female sex—for example, hermaphrodites. Second, there is a considerable number of anatomically normal men and women who believe they possess personality traits typical of the opposite sex—transsexuals. However, the majority of scholars agree that gender is constructed through socialization, the family, division of labor, the system of gen- der roles, and mass media. Gender is significantly influenced by cultural and social norms, which clearly define what men and women are expected to do. At the same time, it is evident that the process of a child becoming aware of their gender identity is neither simple nor rapid. By about the age of three, children can confidently identify themselves as male or female, and we can speak of the development of gender identity. By age four, children not only recognize their gender but also begin associating it with physical characteristics— such as the structure of their own genitals. By age seven, children understand that their sex is a fixed characteristic that cannot be changed, even if one dresses like the opposite gender, changes names, or alters behavior. At this stage, we refer to gender constancy. Gender identification is completed by age seven, after which children begin to show increased interest in role models and consciously express a desire to be a boy or a girl. is marks the beginning of gender socialization, the core of which is the process of acquiring social experience. is process involves both the influence of the environment on the individual (so-called ap- propriation) and the reproduction of social experience (i.e., the individual’s influence on the envi- ronment or objectification). Within the framework of gender socialization, appropriation, according to I. S. Kletsina (1998), refers to a child’s early learning of what it means to be a boy or girl, a man or woman; objectification refers to the practical application of the learned gender schemes. Thus, gender socialization is understood as the process of internalizing norms, behavior patterns, and attitudes in accordance with cultural perceptions of the roles, status, and pur- poses of men and women in society. And this is primarily shaped within the family. However,

62 Biserova, Ldokova, Shagivaleeva Interacción y Perspectiva. Revista de Trabajo Social Vol. 16(1): 2026 it must be acknowledged that in recent times, the traditional family model has undergone significant changes, with an increasing feminization of society as a result of a systemic crisis in the institution of the family. There is a growing trend among young people to avoid form- ing families and following traditions. Moreover, in the modern family, the primary focus is no longer on childbearing and child-rearing, but rather on the relationship between spouses, which often requires constant support due to stress and societal pressures. Additionally, mod- ern youth show a fairly tolerant attitude toward non-traditional relationships and do not view them as inherently negative. In our view, anti-family trends and so-called “gender tolerance” are also characteristic of young people from the new regions of Russia. It is clear that youth who have lived for extended periods in zones of active military conflict and frontline areas are particularly vul- nerable. Research on young people from the DPR and LPR (Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics) has shown that they often experience negative psycho-emotional states (such as fear and helplessness) and are exposed to chronically traumatizing situations (Nikolina & Loschilova, 2024). These specific conditions call for new approaches to value-based educa- tion for this category of youth. Hence, the purpose of our study is to identify the degree to which traditional and family values are formed among young people from the new regions of the Russian Federation and to determine the influence of these factors on their gender attitudes. e research was conducted in three stages: 1) problem formulation, justification of the study’s goal and specific objectives, review of psycho- logical and pedagogical literature, and selection of research tools; 2) empirical research; 3) analysis and interpretation of the results, formulation of key conclusions. METHODS e diagnostic block included the following methods: M. Rokeach’s “Value Orientations” (to examine the value-semantic sphere of the individual); I. S. Kletsina’s “Proverbs” questionnaire, aimed at identifying gender attitudes related to the distribution of roles in the family; and the “Family Role Distribution” questionnaire (by Yu. E. Aleshina, L. Ya. Gozman, and E. M. Dubovs- kaya) – to study the role structure of the family and personal attitudes toward the division of family roles between men and women (Bespanskaya-Pavlenko, 2013). e sample included students aged 17 to 20: 29 individuals (15 females and 14 males) traditionally residing in the Russian Federation, and 27 individuals (13 males and 14 females) from the newly annexed regions of the Russian Federation. During the study, it was found that neither the masculine nor feminine sample types were predominant in these two student groups; the androgynous type prevailed. erefore, respondents were analyzed based only on their bio- logical sex.

Los valores tradicionales y familiares como base de las actitudes de género de los jóvenes 63 Vol. 16(1) enero - abril 2026/ 58 - 70 RESULTS e results of the “Value Orientations” method are presented in Table 1. TABLE 1. Comparison of value orientations among young men from new and traditional regions of the Russian Federation by ranking (based on M. Rokeach’s method). Males from new RF regions Males from traditional RF regions Terminal Values Mean Rank Instrumental Values Mean Rank Termin. Values Mean Rank Instrum. Values Mean Rank Т1 8,75 10 I1 5,2 2,5 Т1 12,75 16 I1 8,14 7 Т2 10,5 11,5 I2 5,75 4 Т2 10,71 11 I2 6,71 3,5 Т3 3,66 1 I3 3,75 1 Т3 5,71 3 I3 12,85 16 Т4 11 14 I4 5,25 2,5 Т4 6,57 5 I4 11,14 12 Т5 11,25 15 I5 8,75 7,5 Т5 12,28 14 I5 8,71 9 Т6 5,5 2,5 I6 8 6 Т6 7,71 7 I6 4,85 1 Т7 10,75 13 I7 10,5 13 Т7 4,43 1 I7 14 18 Т8 8,5 9 I8 6,75 5 Т8 6,28 4 I8 7,14 5 Т9 8 7 I9 9,25 10 Т9 12,14 13 I9 5,43 2 Т10 7,75 6 I10 10,25 11,5 Т10 10,43 10 I10 8,57 8 Т11 6,75 4 I11 10,25 11,5 Т11 13,86 18 I11 6,71 3,5 Т12 8,25 8 I12 9 9 Т12 7,14 6 I12 11,57 14 Т13 13,5 17 I13 8,75 7,5 Т13 11,14 12 I13 11,14 12 Т14 7 5 I14 12 16 Т14 5,28 2 I14 12,14 15 Т15 10,5 11,5 I15 10,75 14 Т15 9,28 8 I15 13,28 17 Т16 14,5 18 I16 11,66 15 Т16 13,57 17 I16 9,14 10 Т17 11,33 16 I17 17 17,5 Т17 10,14 9 I17 7,57 6 Т18 5,5 2,5 I18 17 17,5 Т18 12,43 15 I18 11,14 12 As can be seen from Table 1, the most significant terminal values for young men from tradi- tional regions of Russia are: “a materially secure life (absence of financial difficulties)” (1st place); “freedom (independence in thought and action)” (2nd); “health (physical and mental)” (3rd); “hav- ing good and loyal friends” (4th); “interesting work” (5th). e least significant terminal values for this category of young people are: “a productive life (maximally utilizing one’s abilities, strengths, and capacities)” (18th place); “the happiness of others (well-being, development, and improvement of other people, the nation, and humanity as a whole)” (17th); “an active, dynamic life (fullness and emotional richness of life)” (16th); “self-confidence (inner harmony, freedom from internal con- tradictions and doubts)” (15th); “the beauty of nature and art (experience of beauty in nature and art)” (14th); “entertainment (pleasant, non-burdensome leisure, absence of obligations)” (13th). Among young men from the newly annexed territories, the most significant terminal values identified are: “health (physical and mental)” (1st place); “love (spiritual and physical closeness with a loved one)” (2nd); “self-confidence (inner harmony, freedom from internal contradictions

64 Biserova, Ldokova, Shagivaleeva Interacción y Perspectiva. Revista de Trabajo Social Vol. 16(1): 2026 and doubts)” (3rd); “a productive life (maximally utilizing one’s abilities, strengths, and capacities)” (4th); “freedom (independence in thought and action)” (5th). e least significant values for them are: “the happiness of others (well-being, development, and improvement of other people, the na- tion, and humanity as a whole)” (1st place); “entertainment (pleasant, non-burdensome leisure, absence of obligations)” (2nd); “creativity (opportunity for creative activity)” (3rd); “the beauty of nature and art (experience of beauty in nature and art)” (4th); “interesting work” (5th). Statistical differences between the terminal values of young men from traditional regions of the Russian Federation and those from Novorossiya were calculated using the Student’s t-test in Excel. e values “a productive life (maximally utilizing one’s abilities, strengths, and capacities)” (T11) (p=0.001) and “an active, dynamic life (fullness and emotional richness of life)” (T1) (p=0.03) are more significant for male students from the new regions of Russia. Meanwhile, the values “inter- esting work” (T4) (p=0.031) and “a materially secure life (absence of financial difficulties)” (T7) (p=0.0032) are more significant for male students from Russia. e study of instrumental values showed that for young men from the new regions of Rus- sia, the most important values are: “high aspirations (high demands on life and strong ambitions)” (1st place); “cheerfulness (sense of humor)” (2nd); “conscientiousness (discipline)” (3rd); “good manners (politeness)” (4th); “education (breadth of knowledge, high general culture)” (5th). At the same time, the least significant instrumental values for them are: “efficiency in work (diligence, productivity in tasks)” (1st place); “sensitivity (care)” (2nd); “courage in defending one’s opinion and views” (3rd); “honesty (truthfulness, sincerity)” (4th); “broad-mindedness (ability to under- stand other viewpoints, respect different tastes, customs, habits)” (5th). e distribution of the most important instrumental values for young men from traditional regions of Russia is as follows: in 1st place – “independence (the ability to act independently and decisively)”; in 2nd place – “responsibility (a sense of duty, the ability to keep one’s word)”; in 3rd place – “good manners (politeness)”; in 4th place – “self-control (restraint, self-discipline)”; in 5th place – “education (breadth of knowledge, high general culture).” To a lesser extent, they value such instrumental traits as: “intolerance of flaws in oneself and others” (1); “broad-mindedness (the ability to understand other perspectives, respect different tastes, customs, and habits)” (2); “high aspirations (high demands on life and strong ambitions)” (3); “tolerance (toward the opinions of others, the ability to forgive others’ mistakes and miscon- ceptions)” (4); “courage in defending one’s opinion and views” (5). Statistically significant differences in instrumental values between the two male samples were identified using the Student’s t-test. e most important values for young men from the new regions of Russia are: “high aspirations (high demands on life and strong ambitions)” (I3) (p = 0.001); “cheerfulness (sense of humor)” (I4) (p = 0.002); “intolerance of flaws in oneself and oth- ers” (I7) (p = 0.05). For young men from the historical regions of the Russian Federation, the more significant values are: “independence (the ability to act independently and decisively)” (I6) (p = 0.04); “responsibility (a sense of duty, the ability to keep one’s word)” (I9) (p = 0.01); “self-control (restraint, self-discipline)” (I11) (p = 0.045). Next are the results of the survey of girls traditionally residing in the territory of the Russian Federation and girls from the new regions of Russia (ranked order) (see Table 2).

Los valores tradicionales y familiares como base de las actitudes de género de los jóvenes 65 Vol. 16(1) enero - abril 2026/ 58 - 70 TABLE 2. Comparison of value orientations according to the M. Rokeach method between girls from new and traditional regions of the Russian Federation by ranking. Girls from New RF Regions Girls from Traditional RF Regions Terminal Values Mean Rank Instrumental Values Mean Rank Terminal Values Mean Rank Instrumental Values Mean Rank T1 10,2 11 I1 11,4 14 Т1 9 10 I1 7,58 4 T2 8,4 8,5 I2 6,2 3,5 Т2 12 14 I2 5,42 1 T3 2,8 1 I3 14,8 17 Т3 4,42 1 I3 16,67 17,5 T4 7,4 4 I4 10,2 13 Т4 7,75 6 I4 8,42 7 T5 13,8 16 I5 11,6 15 Т5 13,67 17 I5 11,5 15 T6 4,6 2 I6 8,4 6,5 Т6 5,42 2 I6 7,75 5 T7 7 5 I7 16 18 Т7 6,5 3 I7 16,67 17,5 T8 8 7 I8 6,6 5 Т8 7,58 5 I8 8,83 8 T9 15 18 I9 5,8 2 Т9 14,5 18 I9 5,83 2 T10 11,6 13 I10 8,4 6,5 Т10 13,25 16 I10 9,83 13 T11 11,4 12 I11 5,6 1 Т11 8,75 8 I11 7,08 3 T12 7,6 6 I12 9,2 8 Т12 9,58 11 I12 9,58 10,5 T13 8,4 8,5 I13 12 16 Т13 8,83 9 I13 12,42 16 T14 5,8 3 I14 9,4 9 Т14 6,67 4 I14 9 9 T15 14,2 17 I15 6,2 3,5 Т15 11,42 13 I15 10 14 T16 12,6 15 I16 9,8 10,5 Т16 13 15 I16 8,33 6 T17 9,8 10 I17 9,8 10,5 Т17 8,5 7 I17 9,58 10,5 T18 12,4 14 I18 9,6 12 Т18 10,08 12 I18 9,67 12 As seen from Table 2, the most significant terminal values for girls from the newly annexed re- gions of the Russian Federation are: “health (physical and mental)” (1); “love (spiritual and physical intimacy with a loved one)” (2); “freedom (independence in thought and action)” (3); “interesting work” (4); “a materially secure life (absence of financial difficulties)” (5th place). e least signifi- cant values for them are: “social recognition (respect from others, colleagues, and peers at work)” (1st place); “a happy family life” (2); “the beauty of nature and art (experiencing the beautiful in nature and art)” (3); “the happiness of others (well-being, development, and improvement of oth- ers, the people, and humanity as a whole)” (4); “self-confidence (inner harmony, freedom from internal contradictions and doubts)” (5). e significance of terminal values for girls traditionally residing in the Russian Federation is distributed as follows: 1st place – “health (physical and mental)” (T3); 2nd place – “love (spiritual and physical intimacy with a loved one)” (T6); 3rd place – “a materially secure life (absence of fi- nancial difficulties)” (T7); 4th place – “freedom (independence in thought and action)” (T14); 5th place – “having good and loyal friends” (T8). e least significant terminal values for them are: “social recognition (respect from others, colleagues, and peers at work)” (1st place); “the beauty of nature and art (experiencing the beautiful in nature and art)” (2); “knowledge (opportunity to expand one’s education, outlook, general culture, and intellectual development)” (3); “the happiness of others

66 Biserova, Ldokova, Shagivaleeva Interacción y Perspectiva. Revista de Trabajo Social Vol. 16(1): 2026 (well-being, development, and improvement of others, the people, and humanity as a whole)” (4); “wisdom (maturity of judgment and common sense gained from life experience)” (5). No statistically significant differences were found between the terminal values of the two samples of girls. For instrumental values, the distribution among girls from the new regions of Russia is as follows: the most important instrumental values are: 1st place – “self-control (restraint, self-disci- pline)” (I11); 2nd place – “responsibility (sense of duty, ability to keep one’s word)” (I9); 3rd place – “good manners (politeness)” (I2); 4th place – “broad-mindedness (ability to understand other perspectives, respect for different tastes, customs, and habits)” (I15); 5th place – “sensitivity (care)” (I8). e least significant instrumental values are: “intolerance of flaws in oneself and others” (1); “high aspirations (high demands on life and strong ambitions)” (2); “strong will (ability to stand one’s ground, not retreat in the face of difficulties)” (3); “conscientiousness (discipline)” (4); “neat- ness (cleanliness, ability to keep things and tasks in order)” (5). Among girls from traditional regions, the most significant instrumental values are: “good manners (politeness)” (1); “responsibility (sense of duty, ability to keep one’s word)” (2); “self-con- trol (restraint, self-discipline)” (3); “neatness (cleanliness, ability to keep things and tasks in order)” (4); “independence (ability to act independently and decisively)” (5). e least significant for them are: “intolerance of flaws in oneself and others” (1st place); “high aspirations (high demands on life and strong ambitions)” (2); “strong will (ability to stand one’s ground, not retreat in the face of dif- ficulties)” (3); “conscientiousness (discipline)” (4); “broad-mindedness (ability to understand other perspectives, respect for different tastes, customs, and habits)” (5). Statistically significant differences in instrumental values were found: “neatness (cleanliness, ability to keep things and tasks in order)” (I1) (p = 0.046) is less important for girls from the new regions of Russia; “broad-mindedness (ability to understand other perspectives, respect for different tastes, customs, and habits)” (I15) (p = 0.014) is more important for them than for girls tradition- ally living in the Russian Federation. Results of the I. S. Kletsina “Proverbs” questionnaire (studying gender attitudes concerning the distribution of roles in the family) showed that girls from the new regions of Russia have the following views on the division of family roles between spouses: undefined (U) – 40% of respondents; egalitar- ian – 20%; traditional – 40%. Among girls from the Russian Federation: undefined (U) – 81.8% of respondents; egalitarian – 18.2%; traditional – 0%. e probability of differences in attitudes was assessed using the multifunctional Fisher’s criterion. Statistical differences were found only for the “undefined attitudes” (p = 0.026) at the trend level. is suggests that girls traditionally residing in the Russian Federation have not yet fully formed ideas about how to distribute roles in the family. Young men from the new regions of Russia have the following views on the distribution of family roles between spouses: undefined (U) – 50% of respondents; egalitarian – 0%; traditional – 50%. Young men from traditional territories: undefined (U) – 42.86% of respondents; egalitar- ian – 28.57%; traditional – 28.57%. No statistically significant differences in attitudes were found using the multifunctional Fisher’s criterion. Results of the “Family Role Distribution” Questionnaire (by Yu. E. Aleshina, L. Ya. Gozman, E. M. Dubovskaya), which explores the role structure of the family and individual attitudes toward the division of family roles between men and women, among young men from the new regions of Russia are distributed across the scales as follows:

Los valores tradicionales y familiares como base de las actitudes de género de los jóvenes 67 Vol. 16(1) enero - abril 2026/ 58 - 70 1) child-rearing (M = 2.3; SD = 0.23) 2) financial support of the family (M = 2.25; SD = 0.51) 3) emotional climate in the family (M = 2.47; SD = 0.39) 4) organization of leisure activities (M = 2.83; SD = 0.32) 5) host/hostess role (M = 3.07; SD = 0.14) 6) sexual partner (M = 2.06; SD = 0.13) 7) organization of family subculture (M = 2.65; SD = 0.44) Among young men traditionally residing in the Russian Federation, the distribution across the scales is: 1) child-rearing (M = 2.27; SD = 0.24) 2) financial support of the family (M = 1.25; SD = 0.27) 3) emotional climate in the family (M = 2.49; SD = 0.32) 4) organization of leisure activities (M = 2.47; SD = 0.59) 5) host/hostess role (M = 2.64; SD = 0.33) 6) sexual partner (M = 2.3; SD = 0.11) 7) organization of family subculture (M = 1.93; SD = 0.44) Significant differences (based on the Student’s t-test) were found between the male samples on the following scales: “child-rearing” (p = 0.001); “financial support of the family” (p = 0.001); “host/hostess role” (p = 0.003); “organization of family subculture” (p = 0.002). Young men from the new regions of Russia assign the duty of child-rearing to the head of the family. Young men from traditional territories of Russia more often take responsibility in the areas of financial support, the host/hostess role, and organizing the family subculture. Girls from the newly annexed regions of Russia distributed their responses as follows: 1) child-rearing (M = 2.7; SD = 0.28) 2) financial support of the family (M = 1.7; SD = 0.48) 3) emotional climate in the family (M = 2.84; SD = 0.2) 4) organization of leisure activities (M = 2.9; SD = 0.29) 5) host/hostess role (M = 2.68; SD = 0.16) 6) sexual partner (M = 2; SD = 0.19) 7) organization of family subculture (M = 2.7; SD = 0.27) Girls from traditional regions of Russia distributed their responses as follows: 1) child-rearing (M = 2.59; SD = 0.53) 2) financial support of the family (M = 2.05; SD = 0.59) 3) emotional climate in the family (M = 3.02; SD = 0.3) 4) organization of leisure activities (M = 2.97; SD = 0.5) 5) host/hostess role (M = 3.1; SD = 1.38)

68 Biserova, Ldokova, Shagivaleeva Interacción y Perspectiva. Revista de Trabajo Social Vol. 16(1): 2026 6) sexual partner (M = 2; SD = 0.25) 7) organization of family subculture (M = 2.7; SD = 0.4) No statistically significant differences were found between the female samples across the scales. CONCLUSIONS us, summarizing the results of our study of young men from new and traditional regions of the Russian Federation, we can conclude that the examination of their value-semantic orientation (based on M. Rokeach’s method) revealed statistically significant differences in the domain of ter- minal and instrumental values. Terminal values such as “a productive life (maximally utilizing one’s abilities, strengths, and capacities)” (T11) (p = 0.001) and “an active, dynamic life (fullness and emotional richness of life)” (T1) (p = 0.03) are more important to students from the new regions of Russia. For young people from the historical regions of the Russian Federation, “interesting work” (T4) (p = 0.031) and “a materially secure life (absence of financial difficulties)” (T7) (p = 0.0032) are more significant. Regarding instrumental values, the most significant for young men from the new regions of Russia are: “high aspirations (high demands on life and strong ambitions)” (I3) (p = 0.001); “cheerfulness (sense of humor)” (I4) (p = 0.002); and “intolerance of flaws in oneself and others” (I7) (p = 0.05). For young men traditionally residing in the territory of the Russian Federation, the more important values are: “independence (ability to act independently and decisively)” (I6) (p = 0.04); “responsibility (sense of duty, ability to keep one’s word)” (I9) (p = 0.01); and “self-control (restraint, self-discipline)” (I11) (p = 0.045). Among the two female samples, no statistically significant differences were found in terminal values. However, in instrumental values, “neatness (cleanliness, ability to keep things and tasks in order)” (I1) (p = 0.046) is less important for them, while “broad-mindedness (ability to understand other perspectives, respect different tastes, customs, and habits)” (I15) (p = 0.014) is more impor- tant compared to girls living in traditional regions of the Russian Federation. e results from the I. S. Kletsina “Proverbs” questionnaire (which studies gender attitudes concerning the distribution of family roles) revealed statistically significant differences only in the category of “undefined attitudes” (p = 0.026) at the trend level. is suggests that girls from tra- ditional regions of the Russian Federation do not exhibit a clear model of family role distribution, indicating undefined gender attitudes. Both male samples demonstrated a typical model of family role distribution. No statistically significant differences in attitudes were found using the multi- functional Fisher criterion. e results of the “Family Role Distribution” questionnaire revealed significant differences between male samples on the following scales: “child-rearing” (p = 0.001); “financial support of the family” (p = 0.001); “host/hostess role” (p = 0.003); and “organization of family subculture” (p = 0.002). Young men from the new regions of Russia assign the responsibility of child-rearing to the head of the family. Young men traditionally residing in the Russian Federation more often assume responsibilities in the areas of financial support, the host role, and the organization of the family subculture.

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