Instituto de Estudios Políticos y Derecho Público "Dr. Humberto J. La Roche"
de la Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Políticas de la Universidad del Zulia
Maracaibo, Venezuela
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Vol. 40, Nº 73 (2022), 570-582
IEPDP-Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Políticas - LUZ
Political causes of the Ukrainian
revolution: theoretical aspects of the issue
DOI: https://doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4073.32
Bahtiyar Idrisov *
Victor Hapotii **
Olha Minkova ***
Yuliia Makieshyna ****
Oleksandr Melnyk *****
Abstract
The purpose of the article was to conduct a theoretical analysis
of the political causes of the Ukrainian revolution. The methods
of analysis, synthesis and correlation used made it possible to
study political conditions and factors in relation to psychological,
economic and cultural factors. It was determined that the causes of
the revolution are a permanent political crisis, a conict between
the government and the opposition, the ineectiveness of the
actions of the institutions of government and the actions of the opposition;
together with changes in the socio-economic structure, the religiosication
of society and the inuence of political factors on the development of
abnormal social behaviors, among other factors. The research carried
out allows us to conclude that a relationship of stable factor «social
disorientation - social anomie - social cynicism - social madness» has been
formed in the Ukrainian public consciousness. Therefore, the algorithm for
the growth of revolutionary feelings under the inuence of socio-political
factors shows that this relationship has a tendency to repeat itself and is
characterized by a narrowing over time.
Keywords: political motives of the revolution; permanent crisis; political
phenomenon; society; history.
* Bogdan Khmelnytsky Melitopol State Pedagogical University, Ukraine. ORCID ID: https://orcid.
org/0000-0003-4747-832X
** Bogdan Khmelnytsky Melitopol State Pedagogical University, Ukraine. ORCID ID: https://orcid.
org/0000-0002-2604-8809
*** Bogdan Khmelnytsky Melitopol State Pedagogical University, Ukraine. ORCID ID: https://orcid.
org/0000-0003-0367-2016
**** Prydniprovsk State Academy of Physical Culture and Sport, Ukraine. ORCID ID: https://orcid.
org/0000-0002-2879-2930
***** Dmytro Motornyi Tavria State Agrotechnological University, Ukraine. ORCID ID: https://orcid.
org/0000-0002-4516-0636
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CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
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Razones políticas de la revolución ucraniana: Aspecto
teórico del estudio del tema
Resumen
El propósito del artículo fue realizar un análisis teórico de las causas
políticas de la revolución ucraniana. Los métodos de análisis, síntesis
y correlación utilizados permitieron estudiar las condiciones y factores
políticos en relación con factores psicológicos, económicos y culturales. Se
determinó que las causas de la revolución son una crisis política permanente,
un conicto entre el gobierno y la oposición, la inecacia de las acciones
de las instituciones de gobierno y las acciones de la oposición; junto a
cambios en la estructura socioeconómica, la religiosicación de la sociedad
y la inuencia de factores políticos en el desarrollo de comportamientos
sociales anormales, entre otros factores. La investigación realizada nos
permite concluir que una relación de factor estable “desorientación
social - anomia social - cinismo social - locura social” se ha formado en la
conciencia pública ucraniana. Por lo tanto, el algoritmo para el crecimiento
de sentimientos revolucionarios bajo la inuencia de factores sociopolíticos
muestra que esta relación tiene una tendencia a repetirse y se caracteriza
por un estrechamiento en el tiempo.
Palabras clave: motivos políticos de la revolución; crisis permanente;
fenómeno político; sociedad; historia.
Introduction
The scientic appeal of studying various aspects of revolution is
explained by the fact that there are no other phenomena in human history
where the interconnection of political and social processes and their change
mechanisms would appear on such a large scale and in a short period of
time.
The necessity to study the issues of radical changes in the state and
society is determined by the fact that “revolutions have become an inherent
fact of our existence and to understand them is to understand the future”
(Arendt, 1997: 24). Accordingly, the importance of analyzing the causes of
revolution is determined by their role in socio-political change and occupies
one of the main places in research.
Scientic interest in the study of the causes of cardinal action dates back
to the ancient period. Thus, in Book V of “ The Politics” the philosopher
Aristotle comes to the conclusion that the cause of public discontent is the
misunderstanding of citizens about equality and justice; accordingly, “since
they do not get their share in public administration, they rise up in revolt”
(Aristotle, 1983: 526).
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Bahtiyar Idrisov, Victor Hapotii, Olha Minkova, Yuliia Makieshyna y Oleksandr Melnyk
Political causes of the Ukrainian revolution: theoretical aspects of the issue
Since the middle of the nineteenth century, when a wave of revolutionary
demonstrations swept across Europe, the study of the causes of revolution
became systematic. In this period, when political and social structure
fractures became most prominent, theories that would later become the
basis for practical revolutionary action began to take shape.
The need for research in the twentieth century after the revolution in
Russia and China, and then in other regions of the world, gave new impetus
to the study of revolutionary processes. According to the scientic demand,
the interest in the study of revolution was reected in the works of C.
Brinton, R. Darendor, T. Garr, T. Parsons, P. Sorokin and many other
foreign specialists. The content analysis of contemporary Ukrainian studies
shows that the works of A. Kolodia and S. Salnikova are devoted to the
issues of the revolution.
However, despite the great number of scientic publications, studying
the impact of political processes on the growth of radical public sentiment
are still quite relevant today. This is caused by specics of studying the
revolution and the diversity of concepts in determining its causes.
The problem solution is also complicated by the unclear concept content,
the variability of identifying the factors and development conditions, the
course of events, and nal results of the revolution. This complexity reects
the rather contradictory development of the post-Soviet countries, the Arab
East and Latin America. However, despite the great number of scientic
concepts of the revolution, the issues of determining its political causes and
factors remain insuciently studied. That is why this aspect of the problem
has become our research object
1. Objectives
The aim of the article is to determine the political reasons for the
actualization of revolutionary actions in the modern history of Ukrainian
society. The article takes as its starting point that the initial condition of
revolution is the imbalance of the socio-political system. The set goal is
realized by solving the following tasks: dening the political conditions
and factors of revolution; highlighting the relationship “ domestic state
policy - change in social consciousness; dening the growth algorithm of
revolutionary sentiments under the inuence of political factors.
2. Materials and methods.
The article applies a research model that emphasizes the political
component as a possible cause of revolution. The methodology and such
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Vol. 40 Nº 73 (2022): 570-582
methods as analysis, synthesis and correlation applied in this model
allow us to consider political conditions and factors in interrelation with
psychological, economic, legal, demographic, cultural and other factors.
Also, such modeling research allows for a detailed and most accurately
dene the revolutionary “ cause-action” relationship.
3. Results and discussion
The revolutions at the beginning of the 20th century gave impetus to the
development of a new interest in the revolutionary phenomenon. American
scientists characterize the concept as follows: “Revolution is a broad group
of single-order concrete-historical phenomena in a relatively short period
of political transformation of society” (Goldstone, 2015: 32). According to
S. Huntington, revolution is:
A large-scale, rapid and violent growth of political activity beyond the existing
structure of political institutions.... The preconditions for revolution are, rst, the
inability of political institutions to be channels for new social forces to enter politics
and new elites to govern, and, second, the desire of social forces that are excluded
from politics to participate in it - this desire usually comes from the inherent
feeling of the group that it needs some symbolic or material gains, which can only
be achieved by making their own demands in the political sphere (Huntington,
2004: 229).
However, R. Darendor emphasizes the distinction between social and
political revolution:
The word revolution has long been used to denote two dierent forms of abrupt
transformation. ...The rst is deep transformations, changes in the core structures
of society, which of course take time. The second is rapid transformations, in
particular the change in power holders within days or weeks through explicit and
often violent action.Therefore, the rst can be called a social revolution and the
second a political one” (Darendorf, 1998: 26).
Such a polemic in the concept denition is caused not only by the
diversity of scientic concepts, but also by the fact that modern scientists
apply at least three ambiguous and sometimes contradictory scientic
research models, each of which applies its own methodology in the study
of the problem.
The rst model: “the study of the revolution’s natural conditions” was
applied by C. Brinton, T. Garr, H. Eckstein. The second model, in which the
cause is dened by T. Skocpol, J. Goldstone, J. Foran as a set of necessary
and sucient conditions and takes into account the role of all, even the
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Political causes of the Ukrainian revolution: theoretical aspects of the issue
smallest factors. The third model identies one factor, which is dened as
the “cause of the revolution”. The following research approaches are used
in this model.
1. The study of various political factors, which have led scientists to
develop various theories of revolution. This approach was used in
the studies of V. Timashe, S. Huntington.
2. There are economic factors that determine the impact of economic
crises or political and economic modernization of the State on the
growth of revolutionary sentiments in society. This research focus is
noted in the works of G. White, I. Kramnick, and M. Olson.
3. The socio-psychological approach is characterized by the study of
various aspects of individual and social behavior. This approach was
used in the studies of C. Johnson, P. Sorokin.
Our article does not divide revolution into social and political, as
political crisis and conict are interconnected with social contradictions.
This relationship is described in some detail in the political crisis concepts
of J. Goldstone, state collapse and revolution of T. Scotchpol. Also, political
conicts and crises are interconnected phenomena: the conict may be the
beginning of a political crisis, and the crisis may be the basis of the conict.
Protracted conict can involve several political crises, and a set of socio-
political conicts can be the cause of a crisis.
We have identied a number of political conditions and factors that had
the greatest inuence on the development of the revolutionary situation in
Ukraine.
1. Socio-political crisis as a permanent state of society. An objective
condition for the creation and further continuation of the
revolutionary situation in Ukraine is the relationship system formed
after the collapse of the USSR, due to the change in the political
state structure. The changes took place primarily in the political and
economic sphere and were accompanied by a signicant drop in state
revenues.
Ukraine’s GDP in 1994 declined to 54.4% of the 1990 level, and 64%
of citizens were below the poverty line (Korablin, 2015). Later on, the
situation became more complicated: in 1999 Ukraine’s GDP was 40.8% of
the 1990 level (Ukrainian Statistics Committee, 2007). And, despite some
improvement in 2004, the situation did not improve much.
2. The conict between the government and the opposition. In
Ukrainian politics this conict was formed from the beginning and
was most acute at the end of L. Kuchma’s presidency in 2004 in the
confrontation between the pro-government presidential candidate
V. Yanukovich and the opposition V. Yushchenko. The government
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proved unable to build relations with the opposition in dealing with
foreign policy issues and the ultimate goal of state development. Such
a confrontation was earlier characterized by N. Timashe: “If the knot
of contradictions between the government and the opposition within
the state has reached such proportions when symptoms of loss of
exibility become apparent, then a revolution will begin (Timashe,
1966: 370).
3. Ineciency of governing institutions actions. In 2013, which
was relatively stable in the socio-economic aspect, such political
factor as ineciency of governing institutions became the most
acute in Ukraine. Its eect was exacerbated by the fact that the
presidential power became almost unlimited, and accordingly, the
lack of conditions for new social forces to participate in politics. S.
Huntington described this factor as follows:
Social groups that rise and fall and and rigid political institutions that
are what a revolution is made of. Revolution takes place where political
participation is limited and political institutions are fragile. The main
cause of revolution is the inability of political institutions to ensure the
participation of new social forces in politics.” At the same time, the state of
the economy is a factor “of insignicant importance both for the revolution
and for the revolutionaries” (Huntington, 2004: 279-280, 281).
It should be emphasized that Ukrainian state-building had nally come
to a standstill by 2014. The Ukrainian state did not meet the Ukrainians’
aspirations, especially those of the younger generation that grew up in the
independent era. Ineective management in the absence of a specic social
contract brought Ukraine far behind not only European countries, but also
throughout the post-Soviet space.
All political elites of the country, regardless of their political orientation,
are responsible for such a state of governance. However, in a number of ways
Yanukovych’s reign was worse than all previous Ukrainian governments.
During his presidency the growth of authoritarianism in interconnection
with corruption reached a critical point. This state of the state as a cause of
the revolution is reected in sucient detail in the studies of P. Calvert, E.
Obershall, H. Eckstein and C. Tilly.
4. The actions of revolutionary forces. Analysis of the content of
theories and concepts of revolution allows us to conclude that one of
the causes of radical change is the actions of revolutionary forces. In
2013-2014 the negative attitude to the police due to its corrupt nature
was used by the opposition to violently change the government, and
the moral state of law enforcement agencies proved to be a trigger for
protests.
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Bahtiyar Idrisov, Victor Hapotii, Olha Minkova, Yuliia Makieshyna y Oleksandr Melnyk
Political causes of the Ukrainian revolution: theoretical aspects of the issue
However, in order to achieve success, social and material conditions are
necessary, the main elements of which are: the goal, the personnel and the
necessary means. And the absence of at least one of these factors makes it
impossible for a revolution to occur (Calvert, 1970).
The lack of dialogue between the government and the opposition led to
an increase in activity in the revolutionary events of the far-right forces.
The need for such “mobilization of resources” was pointed out earlier by E.
Obershall. According to him:
Mobilization refers to processes through which a group of discontented people
unite and invest their own resources to achieve group goals. ...Social control
refers to similar processes, but in terms of the power and competing with them
opposition parties or their associations. ... Big parties engage in a struggle for the
same resources, and each tries to cut o resources from those parties that did not
initially participate in this competition (Obershall, 1973: 16-84)
And if at the rst stage the actions of the protesters were related to the
mass and peaceful nature of the protests, then as the events developed there
was a consolidation of the revolutionary forces.
The main and peripheral opposition parties united into a single
revolutionary bloc, whose goal was not only to change the ruling elite, but
also the foreign policy course of the Ukrainian state. The sources of nancing
were determined: they were the funds provided by the representatives of
business, whose losses were not compensated by any benets from the
authorities, as well as, donations from ordinary citizens. The leaders of the
revolutionary parties gained condence in political support for their actions
from external actors.
Note that most concepts of revolution dene violence as its main feature.
Thus, H. Eckstein calls revolution an internal war, the potential of which is
determined by the ratio of forces in confrontation with power (Eckstein,
1965). In the process of protest actions, the power bloc of the revolution was
formed. And if at the initial stage “ Right Sector” performed the functions
of paramilitary protection of Maidan, then later it was joined by groups of
soccer fans who had experience in clashes with law enforcement agencies
and individuals with experience in combat operations.
6. Changes in the socio-economic structure of society. An objective
condition for the development of the revolutionary situation in
Ukraine is the transformation in the system of relations of the social
structure of society associated with the change of socio-economic
formation, redistribution of public wealth in favor of the minority
and destruction of the established stratication order (Idrisov,
2019b). In previous studies, we noted that:
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The established system of survival of the vast majority of the country’s
impoverished population in the 1990s began to correspond to the characteristic
formulated by P. Sorokin in the early 20th century, when a law-abiding citizen
becomes a thief and a bandit, a worker becomes a beggar, an aristocrat goes to
the market to trade. ...Such disappearance of brakes in people’s behavior can lead
to the disintegration of society, when people abandon civilized behavior (Idrisov,
2019a: 40).
7. The relegitimization of society as an element of domestic politics.
This concept, proposed by R. Blakey, reects the deformation of
previous social and cultural norms. Because of its ambiguity, it refers
either to an objective condition or is interpreted as a self-sucient
objective factor that is the cause of revolution.
Thus, R. Blackey calls the myth of a “bright future” ingrained in the
public consciousness a revolutionary condition (Blackey, 1976). M. Lasky
argues that the main condition of revolution is “people’s desire to realize
the dream of a better society through political action or violent rebellion”
(Lasky, 1977: 417). A. Obershall described the spread of utopianism and
mythologizing in society as a factor under the inuence of which:
An idea of a better world and a fairer society is created, an unfavorable
comparison of the ideal and future opportunities with the current conditions... is
made, which undermines legitimacy of the regime, its institutions and weakens the
determination of the ruling classes to resist change (Obershall, 1973: 84).
The mechanism of this condition/factor in Ukraine in 2004 is
described by V. Burlachuk in “Power, Ritual and the Orange Revolution”.
Characteristic signs of its manifestation in 2019 were the development in
Ukrainian society of the mythologem of “the servant who will faithfully
serve his people”, and protest voting caused by frustration (Idrisov, 2019:
73).
8. A change in the objective conditions of social interaction. The cardinal
and in a short period of time transformation of the socio-political
system has led to the emergence of a conict situation both between
the government and society, and in society itself. And its further
persistence contributed to the transition of various factors from the
state of “possibility of revolution” to the state of “realization”, where
the “conditions” are the basis for the formation of a revolutionary
causal relationship. As research shows, the resulting imbalance
between society’s previous socio-economic expectations and the new
domestic policy of the state, which does not match them, leads to a
straightforward degradation of most social groups.
And already in the mid-1990s this imbalance manifested itself in Ukraine
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Bahtiyar Idrisov, Victor Hapotii, Olha Minkova, Yuliia Makieshyna y Oleksandr Melnyk
Political causes of the Ukrainian revolution: theoretical aspects of the issue
in the development of social disorientation - low sensitivity to social norms
and individuals’ lack of understanding of their hierarchy. Its result was an
abnormal demoralization of the Ukrainian society, noted already in 1992
for 85 % of inhabitants of the country. Such changes in society in times of
crisis have been previously described by T. Parsons, P. Sorokin.
Analysis of changes in the social structure of society has shown that the
growth of social demoralization is interconnected with the growth of social
anomie and the development of aggressive attitudes in society, including
extremist ones. At the same time, the indicators of the growth of individual
value-normative uncertainty are interconnected with the development of
the revolutionary situation (Merton, 1992: 120).
Changes in the objective conditions of social interaction that occurred in
Ukraine in the 1990s caused the deformation of social and cultural systems,
which led to social disorientation and further - the development of social
anomie in all social groups of Ukrainian society. Ukrainian sociologists
note that in such a state of society “an amoral majority” is actively formed,
and the previously valid norms of human decency and responsibility
regulating the behavior and relationships of people begin to be perceived
by the majority as norms of behavior of “moral outsiders” (Golovakha,
2002). A real indicator of social anomie becomes the criminalization of
society, moving to the legislative and judicial level, deforming the collective
understanding of justice (Salnikova, 2013: 24).
A peculiar reaction to anomie is social cynicism. Е. Golovakha gives
it the following characteristic: The destruction of social capital..., where
citizens openly agree with judgments characterizing most people as
dishonest, dishonest and untrustworthy. The majority’s assessment of the
majority essentially means a social self-assessment that is independent of
educational level and occupation” (Golovakha, 2014: 53).
The formed “immoral majority” elects a similar governing elite to the
government. And the new political elite, which has already come to power,
in order to strengthen its position in access to resources, builds an “amoral
order”, including through various models of electoral choice, increasingly
splitting society.
The transformation of social behavior continues in the manifestation
of the next factor: the development of social insanity. Its content and
characteristics are considered in sucient detail in the studies of M.
Foucault. T. Garr characterizes it as a factor reecting the beginning of a
erce struggle of certain social subjects for status, power and resources,
where the goal of the parties is the neutralization or complete destruction
of the opponent, occupying a position incompatible with the interests of the
other party (Garr, 2005: 422-423).
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Such a condition, where the emotional prevails over the rational, may
remain a local phenomenon. However, it can also lead to sociopaths,
incomparable in their scale of impact on the public consciousness: to armed
conicts within the country on political or ethnic grounds (Idrisov, 2019).
9. The inuence of political factors on subjective conditions and
factors. The mechanism of transformation of the ways of individual
interaction as a consequence of changes in the objective conditions
of functioning of the social system is shown in sucient detail in
the works of C. Brinton, P. Sorokin. In Robert Merton’s study of
the structural mechanisms of development of non-normative social
behavior it is proved that:
The indicators of growth of anomic demoralization are interconnected
with the growth of aggressive moods in society, including those focused
on extremist actions. A similar correlation can be traced between the
unpredictability of the development of the revolutionary situation and the
growth of indicators of individual value-normative uncertainty (Merton,
1992: 121-122).
Let us note that our chosen research model allows us to highlight the
“cause-action” interconnection, where the “action” factor includes the
revolutionary cause and the revolution trigger mechanism. Without a
revolutionary cause, it is impossible to activate a revolutionary situation,
so it is an independent phenomenon with the external characteristics of a
cause. The trigger mechanism of the revolution, or trigger, is a provocation
by the current government for such forceful actions that will discredit it and
cause sympathy in society for revolutionary actions.
Thus, the belief in injustice embedded in the social consciousness of
Ukrainians that the actions of the current government are unfair and the
desire to embody the formed utopia about a better society (to live like in
Europe) became a reection of the revolutionary situation that developed
at the end of 2013.
Accordingly, the president’s failure to sign the association agreement
with the EU was a revolutionary reason. In this case, the occasion became
a condition triggering the revolution mechanism as a causal mediator,
and its trigger was the student beating on the Maidan on November 30. In
2004, the opposition’s version of rigged presidential election results was
adopted as a revolutionary reason, and the trigger for the revolution was
the accusation of the current authorities of poisoning one of the candidates
for the Head of State (Idrisov, 2019a).
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Bahtiyar Idrisov, Victor Hapotii, Olha Minkova, Yuliia Makieshyna y Oleksandr Melnyk
Political causes of the Ukrainian revolution: theoretical aspects of the issue
Conclusions
The analysis of the theoretical discourse about the political causes of
revolution, presented in our article, allows us to formulate conclusions
regarding the objective and subjective conditioning of revolutionary
processes. The main cause of the Ukrainian revolution is the political
conditions and factors that manifested themselves in a sociopolitical
crisis. The conict between the government and the opposition, caused by
ineective actions of the state governance institutions, the lack of conditions
for the participation of social forces in politics and the inability of new elites
to enter the government, has become permanent for the state.
Ineective domestic policy of the state and the transformation in the
social structure relations system led to a change in social consciousness.
The inuence of political factors on subjective conditions and factors led to
the transformation of structural mechanisms in the individual interaction
ways and to the development of non-normative social behavior. The growth
of anomic indicators of individual demoralization is directly correlated with
the growth of aggressive attitudes in society.
Under the inuence of objective conditions having a relative inertia
and objective political factors changing with each electoral cycle, a stable
factor interrelation “social disorientation - social anomie - social cynicism
- social madness” has formed in the Ukrainian public consciousness. The
growth algorithm of revolutionary sentiments under the inuence of socio-
political factors shows that this interrelation has a tendency to recur and is
characterized by a contraction in time.
Since this article presents the theoretical aspect of the study of our
chosen problem, in our future publications we plan to verify the presented
ndings by conducting empirical research.
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Esta revista fue editada en formato digital y publicada
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