Instituto de Estudios Políticos y Derecho Público "Dr. Humberto J. La Roche"
de la Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Políticas de la Universidad del Zulia
Maracaibo, Venezuela
Esta publicación cientíca en formato digital es continuidad de la revista impresa
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197402ZU34
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Vol.39 N° 71
2021
Recibido el 11/10/2021 Aceptado el 29/11/2021
ISSN 0798- 1406 ~ De pó si to le gal pp 198502ZU132
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Vol. 39, Nº 71 (2021), 187-204
IEPDP-Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Políticas - LUZ
The Inuence of the Coalition Approach
in US Policy on the Integration Processes
in Europe in the Post-Bipolar Era
DOI: https://doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3971.09
Olha Y. Kravchuk *
Volodymyr I. Zabolotnyuk **
Yuliia V. Kobets ***
Oksana I. Lypchuk ****
Ivanna I. Lomaka *****
Abstract
The article examines the impact of the coalition approach in
US policy on integration processes in Europe in the post-bipolar
era. The aim of this article was to identify the peculiarities of the
political situation in the world after a period of escalation of the
nuclear conict. It involved an analysis of sources in the eld of
coalition approach research in the United States, as well as a comparison
of its impact on the political situation and European Union law. The author
concluded that there is a lack of proper research in the eld of the impact of
the coalition approach in US policy in the post-bipolar era, and its impact
on integration processes in Europe. Comparing the experience of the EU
and the US, it was determined that the awareness of nuclear danger aected
the development of a coalition approach in US policy. The study resulted
in the identied specics of the EU’s security policy under the inuence of
the US coalition approach, where the need to ensure stability and armed
security is crucial. Prospects for further research include identifying US
inuence on Eastern countries.
Keywords: coalition approach; international relations; was post-bipolar;
political integration; geopolitics.
* PhD in Political Sciences, Associate Professor, Department of Social and Humanitarian Sciences,
Educational and Scientic Humanitarian Institute, Admiral Makarov National University of
Shipbuilding, 54025, Mykolayiv, Ukraine. ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7802-1934
** PhD in History, Deputy Chief of Research of the Land Forces Scientic Center, Hetman Petro
Sahaidachnyi National Army Academy, 79026, Lviv, Ukraine. ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-
0001-8195-9974
*** PhD in Political Sciences, Associate Professor, Department of Political Institutions and Processes,
Faculty of History, Politology and International Relations, Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National
University, 76018, Ivano-Frankivsk, Ukraine. ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9492-6119
**** PhD in Political Sciences, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of History,
Politology and International Relations, Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University, 76018,
Ivano-Frankivsk, Ukraine. ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1880-6761
***** PhD in Political Sciences, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of History,
Politology and International Relations, Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University, 76018,
Ivano-Frankivsk, Ukraine. ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5616-7016
188
Olha Y. Kravchuk, Volodymyr I. Zabolotnyuk, Yuliia V. Kobets, Oksana I. Lypchuk y Ivanna
I. Lomaka
The Inuence of the Coalition Approach in US Policy on the Integration Processes in Europe in
the Post-Bipolar Era
La Inuencia del Enfoque de Coalición en la Política
Estadounidense sobre los procesos de Integración en
Europa en la Era Post bipolar
Resumen
El artículo examina el impacto del enfoque de coalición en la política
estadounidense sobre los procesos de integración en Europa en la era
post bipolar. El objetivo de este artículo fue identicar las peculiaridades
de la situación política en el mundo después de un período de escalada
del conicto nuclear. Implicó un análisis de fuentes en el campo de la
investigación del enfoque de coalición en los Estados Unidos, así como una
comparación de su impacto en la situación política y la legislación de la
Unión Europea. Se concluyó que hay una falta de investigación adecuada en
el campo del impacto del enfoque de coalición en la política estadounidense
en la era post bipolar y su impacto en los procesos de integración en
Europa. Al comparar la experiencia de la UE y los EE. UU., se determinó
que la conciencia del peligro nuclear afectó el desarrollo de un enfoque de
coalición en la política estadounidense. El estudio dio como resultado los
aspectos especícos identicados de la política de seguridad de la UE bajo
la inuencia del enfoque de la coalición estadounidense, donde la necesidad
de garantizar la estabilidad y la seguridad armada es crucial.
Palabras clave: enfoque de coalición; relaciones internacionales; era
post bipolar; integración política; geopolítica.
Introduction
The topicality of this research is determined by the need to study the
political and social reforms in the world (especially Europe and the United
States) in the post-bipolar era.
The experience of nuclear confrontation in the era of “bipolarity” was
extremely instructive for the world, because there was a threat of brutal
and complete destruction of the world at that time. Nuclear arsenals have
been and remain a means of achieving the doomsday rather than individual
political goals. The theory and practice of international politics faced the
problem of involving or integrating these arsenals in world aairs, and the
formation of appropriate governance policies (Kononenko, 2018).
After the end of the East-West nuclear conict, a world political situation
arose that failed to nd its structure and, therefore, was uncertain.
There was a global tectonic shift in the last decade of the 20th century: the
Soviet Union collapsed, leaving the United States a single and truly global
189
CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 39 Nº 71 (2021): 187-204
state, and putting an end to the bipolar world order (Marshania, 2011).
However, Western Europe, which has retained much of the world’s political
and economic power, remains one of the geopolitical heavy-weights. The
same applies to other parts of the European continent. Geopolitical changes,
which eventually created a new, post-bipolar world order, took place in two
stages: the end of the bipolar world order; the rst post-socialist states
joined NATO and the EU. Accordingly, the global political situation has
changed, and there have been numerous international conicts that pose
new challenges for the international community as a whole, as well as for
individual countries (Fard, 2019).
After the threat of nuclear war and understanding of the dangers of
nuclear potential in the world, new approaches to addressing current
political aspects began to take shape. There is a growing number of newly
independent states and the growing role of non-state actors, growing
interdependence, changing relationship between economic and military
factors as the most typical features of the world.
Coalition approaches to solving the set objectives have become
important.
In the 90’s of the 20th century, international relations underwent
extraordinary transformations. The post-bipolar period was characterized
not only by structural changes, but also by radical new circumstances in the
challenges of international security at all levels, as well as the reorientation
of foreign policy of leading states, ideological changes and revision of
international regimes and organizations. At the same time, NATO was
considered the only organization that was able to take responsibility for the
state of international security in the Euro-Atlantic area (Volodina, 2012).
The corresponding path of NATO reform was determined not only by
the positions of the leading member States, primarily the United States
and the United Kingdom, but also by changing international security
conditions, transforming challenges and identifying new sources of danger.
It was emphasized during the NATO Summit in London on 5-6 July 1990
that Europe had never had such a realistic opportunity to overcome the
constant recurrence of war and peace. This motif of the summit coincided
with the strategic vision of the situation by leading NATO member States,
in particular the United Kingdom. The agenda included consideration of
the basic principles of regional security in the conditions that have changed
radically as a result of the fall of the Berlin Wall, radical changes in the
foreign policy of the Soviet Union, including in US-Soviet relations. The
Summit participants had a double task: on the one hand, it was necessary
to formulate a new vision of security principles in Europe; and, on the other
hand, to transform NATO itself so that it best adapts to such principles.
190
Olha Y. Kravchuk, Volodymyr I. Zabolotnyuk, Yuliia V. Kobets, Oksana I. Lypchuk y Ivanna
I. Lomaka
The Inuence of the Coalition Approach in US Policy on the Integration Processes in Europe in
the Post-Bipolar Era
The solution to the rst problem was found in the spread of cooperation
between all European countries, the nal overcoming of political dierences
and the practical implementation of the concept of indivisible security —
when the security of any country is impossible if its neighbours remain
in danger (Volodina, 2012). The Summit resulted in the provisions of the
London Declaration on a Transformed North Atlantic Alliance.
This document rearmed the US commitment to maintaining European
security in the new environment, a position that best suits the long-term
interests and strategic vision of the United States and the United Kingdom.
Among other things, the declaration notes NATO’s readiness to engage
in dialogue with the Soviet Union and set new standards of openness in
Europe — all this evidenced a radical change in the geopolitical situation on
the continent (Volodina, 2012).
A new military strategy has been adopted, moving from a border defence
strategy to a exible response doctrine.
Accordingly, this period was determined by the achievement of
consensus in the following areas:
• deployment of fewer regular forces at the borders.
• gradual reduction of combat readiness of its units, reduction of the
need for combat training and the number of exercises.
• setting limits on the level of nuclear forces needed to prevent war;
etc. (Volodina, 2012).
The issue of the impact of the collision approach in the post-bipolar era
remains problematic today. This problem is becoming particularly acute,
especially due to the change in foreign policy orientations in the world. It is
these factors that determine the topicality of this research.
The aim of the article is to analyse US policy in the post-bipolar era, and
its further impact on the formation of EU security policy.
This aim involves the following objectives:
• determine the place of the United States in the post-bipolar era on
the world scene.
• analyse EU measures under the inuence of US coalition policy.
• determine the main results of the post-bipolar era in the international
arena.
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CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 39 Nº 71 (2021): 187-204
1. Methods and Materials
This article uses general scientic and legal research methods, which
include the comparative legal method used to conduct a comprehensive
analysis of the conict approach in the United States in the post-bipolar
era. The comparative legal method allowed analysing the practice and
standards of the European Union and other foreign countries in this area.
The paper also used historical method to study and analyse the
preconditions for the creation of coalition approaches and their impact
on the EU. These methods allowed analysing the political situation and
practical achievements in dierent periods of the post-bipolar era.
Ukrainian and foreign scientic and practical materials on the research
topic are analysed. Among the sources studied, we selected works that
allowed us to investigate the history of the conict approach in the United
States.
An analysis of the legislation of individual EU and US countries in
this area was also carried out. Accordingly, an analysis of international
legislation, international documents and acts in this area was conducted.
The research procedure provided for determining the relevance and
urgency of the chosen topic for research, analysis of scientic and practical
methods and approaches used to conduct research on the impact of the
coalition approach in US policy on integration processes in Europe in the
post-bipolar era.
The next stage included the selection of materials for the study on the
basis of an integrated approach, which allowed a comprehensive study of
the subject, as well as identify the main problems and prospects of this
study. We also selected materials according to the territoriality criterion,
which allowed determining the state of development of this problem in
dierent regions and to study the EU experience. As a result, we have drawn
conclusions and provided recommendations on the basis of the research.
An important task is to study the impact of the coalition approach in US
policy on integration processes in Europe in the post-bipolar era.
The object of the research is public relations in the post-bipolar era in
the development of the coalition approach in US policy, and their impact on
integration processes in Europe.
2. Results
Analysis of research has shown that the world political situation of
the “post-bipolar” world carried the prospect of “New Middle Ages”, as it
192
Olha Y. Kravchuk, Volodymyr I. Zabolotnyuk, Yuliia V. Kobets, Oksana I. Lypchuk y Ivanna
I. Lomaka
The Inuence of the Coalition Approach in US Policy on the Integration Processes in Europe in
the Post-Bipolar Era
characterized by the weakening of state institution and the emergence of
various social organizations, and later — the emergence of various low-
intensity conicts with nuclear challenges between them (Kononenko,
2018:54).
Accordingly, the creation of the EU has become a remarkable fact. The
European Union was created on the basis of the Treaty of Rome, signed on
25 March 1957 by Belgium, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Germany
and France. Denmark, Ireland, and the United Kingdom joined these
countries in 1973, Greece in 1981, Spain and Portugal in 1986, Austria,
Finland and Sweden — in 1995. Negotiations on Norway’s accession to the
EU were successful, but 52.5% of Norwegians who took part in the national
referendum on 27-28 November 1994 voted against EU membership. After
the last enlargement, Estonia, Cyprus, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland,
Slovakia, Slovenia, Hungary, the Czech Republic joined the EU in 2004,
followed by Bulgaria and Romania in 2007.
At a meeting of the European Council held in Maastricht on 9-10
December 1991, the Heads of states and governments of the European
Community concluded the Treaty on Political, Economic and Monetary
Union, which together constitute the Treaty on European Union. The
Treaty entered into force on November 1, 1993, upon its classication by
all parties.
On 15-16 June 1997, the heads of states and governments of the EU
Member States adopted a number of amendments to the Maastricht Treaty
on the future common foreign and security policy (European Union, 2012).
In accordance with the Maastricht Treaty, the Contracting Parties were
to create the European Union among themselves, which marks a new stage
in development. It is a process of creating an ever-closer union between the
peoples of Europe, in which decisions are made as openly as possible and
as close as possible to the citizens. The Union is based on the European
Communities, complemented by the policies and forms of cooperation
established by the Treaty. Its task is to arrange relations between Member
States and between their peoples, demonstrating consistency and
solidarity (Ventura et al., 2006).
In general, the European Union is an international entity with a global
reach, but has a number of special characteristics compared to government
agencies. The European Union is as an international actor at regional and
global levels. Its relevant policies are aimed at securing the interests and
developing the capabilities of member states. And the peculiarities of the
EU structure aect the quality and capabilities of the EU as a subject of
international security. Specic issues facing the EU include the diversity
and dierence of its institutions and Member States, the coherence and
eectiveness of its external action, as well as issues of internal and external
legitimacy.
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In recent years, the EU has become an important player in international
security policy. In the past, EU peacekeeping missions have been designed
to prevent the recurrence of negative scenarios in European history. That is
why the EU has become a defender of liberal values and the international
legal order.
Over the last forty years, all EU countries have participated in European
regional security partnerships, peacekeeping operations and arms control
agreements, and adapted their security policies to these instruments.
After the end of the Cold War and the disbandment of the Warsaw Pact,
the choice of new security instruments contributed to the development of
EU security and defence policy. This has forced the EU to reconsider its
priorities and course of development.
Together, the new common security and defence policy, after a brilliant
and promising start in the rst decade of the 20th century, as evidenced by
the large number of militaries, civilian and mixed operations in the rest of
the world to reduce conict and resolve crises, has reduced and almost lost
control of multilateralism of international security management.
The role of the European Union in international relations goes far
beyond the positions and actions of the Common Foreign and Security
Policy. The EU is also the largest player in world trade. It is also the largest
nancial donor to developing countries and one of the largest to the
Middle East. Besides, the European Union provides the largest funding for
international eorts to create the conditions for lasting peace in the former
Yugoslavia. Many other areas of European Union policy, such as agriculture
and sheries, also have an important external dimension. The EU’s role
in external relations will be further strengthened after the creation of the
European Economic and Monetary Union and the introduction of the single
currency (Rudko, 2012).
The European Union pays great attention to ensuring that the Common
Foreign and Security Policy is consistent with all other aspects of the EU’s
foreign policy. Both the Council of Ministers and the European Commission
are responsible for the compatibility of the Union’s overall external
action with the objectives of external relations, security, economics and
development policy.
The large-scale reforms that began in the USSR in the second half of the
1980’s led to the intensication of similar processes in the Soviet-oriented
socialist countries, and later to the disintegration of the entire Soviet
Union. “Eastern Bloc”. The issue of nding a new place in the system of
international relations, which arose before all former allies of the USSR with
the onset of the post-bipolar period, was particularly relevant for Mongolia
(Ignatov, 2020). In this country, where a peaceful transition to democracy
took place in 1990, a serious economic crisis soon began, caused by the
194
Olha Y. Kravchuk, Volodymyr I. Zabolotnyuk, Yuliia V. Kobets, Oksana I. Lypchuk y Ivanna
I. Lomaka
The Inuence of the Coalition Approach in US Policy on the Integration Processes in Europe in
the Post-Bipolar Era
cessation of large-scale Soviet economic aid, as well as the need for further
political reforms and the transition from economics to market tracks.
The last decade of the 20th century was marked by the triumph of the
United States, which after the collapse of the Soviet Union were not only the
only superpower, but also a determining factor in the formation of a new
world order.
First of all, it should be noted that the global dominance of the United
States was based on the willingness of the ruling circles of most of the country
to pursue neoliberal economic policies, which included privatization of the
public sector, liquidation of the welfare state, reduction of wages for the
sake of “competitiveness”, opening borders for foreign goods and capital,
lifting any restrictions on nancial speculation. The world economic order
a priori provided for US hegemony in the military, political, technological,
socio-cultural and information dimensions.
At that time, a policy was taken to comprehensively strengthen relations
during the preparations for the Gulf War. Traditionally, Anglo-American
relations have received a new impetus in times of international crises and
military conicts. It was in these situations that the particular closeness of
the partners was conrmed, and it became clear that other countries were
unable to provide the United States with a level of support comparable to
that of the United Kingdom. London was determined to share the burden of
global responsibility with its foreign partner.
During the Gulf War in January 1991, Great Britain and the United
States closely coordinated their diplomatic missions to put pressure on
NATO, EU, and WEU allies to encourage them to participate more actively
in the multilateral coalition. Great Britain has a negative view of the idea
of holding EU talks with Iraq without US involvement, and of France’s
attempts to take independent steps to resolve the conict. London’s tough
stance on resolving the crisis was strongly supported by the United States
and inuenced the allies in the “right direction” (Rudko, 2012).
Great Britain’s military contribution to the Gulf War was the largest
among the largest Western countries since the United States. It was the
British Armed Forces that became Washington’s main combat partner
in Operation Desert Storm. British troops were fully integrated with the
Americans and operated under their leadership (Rudko, 2012).
The intensity of Anglo-American contacts continued to remain high
after the end of hostilities.
Almost all countries in the Euro-Atlantic community also had to focus
on their modernization and development in the United States, especially
in order to adapt their government institutions that had been formed in
the course of their own history to American domestic and foreign policy
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CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 39 Nº 71 (2021): 187-204
standards. However, the process had its temporal and spatial (geopolitical)
limitations.
The scale of change that swept the world in the late 20th century is
associated with the phenomenon of globalization. The introduction of a
set of unication processes, the establishment of universal structures, ties
and relations, globalization manifested itself in the transition of dominance
in politics and economics to supranational institutions (UN, NATO, G-7,
Washington Consensus) and transnational corporations, and in the cultural
sphere — in the global expansion of common standards of mass culture and
individualized lifestyle, which replace traditional culture (Fesenko, 2017).
There is a view that current US security strategies are built around
integration policies, which encourage the states, through a series of
measures, to agree on worldviews (Bialasiewicz et al., 2007).
In general, the very concept of the state as the highest form of political
organization has undergone tremendous changes in the post-bipolar era,
which proved its vulnerability to transnational penetration; the relationship
of internal forces; as well as international regimes, laws and organizations.
The concept of sovereignty has been called into question by the United
Nations Secretaries-General themselves. At the same time, the state relied
on more aspects of human activity than ever before, including protection
from external threats and destabilizers. Extreme forms of authoritarian
order, such as apartheid systems in the third world and totalitarian systems
in the second world, gave way to institutional participation, which was
unable to maintain order. Some states end up with such a high degree of
concentration of power that they have reached the peak of internal conict.
Moreover, conict is not necessarily chaos, just as disorder is the
opposite of any particular form of order (Piren, 2000). Order manifests
itself in many, often supposedly opposite forms: conict and cooperation,
war and peace, freedom and security, oppression and justice, symmetry
and asymmetry, and many other concepts and values contained in sections
of this collection.
The analysis reveals the main norms of factors among people who are
actively involved in conicts: future fears and concerns of the community,
as well as distrust of stakeholders. So, conicts indicate a deeper discourse
in the discussion, thus indicating the diversity of motivations, values and
beliefs, and indicating the inadequacy of relying on a lack of knowledge
and/or explanations about the fractionation of policy (McLaughlin and
Cutts, 2018). Moreover, order is what allows you to research and analyse
any subject, because it turns data into knowledge; science seeks patterns or
orders in events so that the theory can serve “to introduce order and meaning
into a mass of phenomena that would otherwise remain disconnected and
incomprehensible” (Zartman, 2009: 290).
196
Olha Y. Kravchuk, Volodymyr I. Zabolotnyuk, Yuliia V. Kobets, Oksana I. Lypchuk y Ivanna
I. Lomaka
The Inuence of the Coalition Approach in US Policy on the Integration Processes in Europe in
the Post-Bipolar Era
Accordingly, the coalition’s tactical environment was to consist of
dierent networks of two or more organizations that team up to conduct
a short-term tactical operation with a clearly dened mission. Today,
cybersecurity is an important factor in the work of the coalition. This is a
complex challenge due to the need for operational eciency combined with
the limited relationship of trust that exists between the various coalition
partners. New paradigms in networks, such as programme-dened
networks, provide a mechanism for more eective solutions to security
problems in a coalition (Mishra et al., 2017).
Since the beginning of the post-bipolar era, the conict has escalated,
and new solutions have been sought. Agreed arrangements have been the
subject of a huge surge of attention and analysis in the last decades of the
previous millennium. Negotiations have been described as involving “an
initial rift — a dispute — and an attempt to reach an order — a settlement.”
Today, this is being studied in an uninstitutionalized order of international
relations, leaving the coalition, the government, and their variants as
contradictory systems of order for domestic policy. While in the real world
there are signal dates for a new focus on negotiations, in the 1960’s in
international relations, when the Cuban missile crisis turned the military
confrontation of the superpowers into a diplomatic bargain, and in 1968
in domestic relations, when young people around the world relinquished
power tried to agree on new realities. It was also a time of fundamental
work, which initiated the analysis of the form of order, which diers from
others — neither ordered nor divided, but based on unanimity between
formally equal parties on the result.
Previous agreements and contracts had the legitimacy of participation
and ownership, shared with the voted orders, but without the necessary
players, and the triple choice of negotiated order (accept, reject, extend)
allows getting a positive amount of creativity, which provides double choice
of voting and “no choice” that is, such decisions did not provide for assuming
the power. However, the negotiations required recognition of the legitimacy
of the parties and tolerance for ambiguity in decisions that some situations
did not allow at the time. Without negotiation analysis tools, it would
be impossible to explore many aspects of the global and domestic order,
such as international regimes, labour relations, peacekeeping, business
agreements and law-making, but it is important that much remains to be
done and learned about negotiations (Zartman, 2009).
Thus, the negotiations of that time can be considered as a dependent and
as an independent variable in the search for order. Negotiation processes
were conducted according to one of three models (or their combination):
distributive bargaining for concessions; compensatory exchange trading,
which gives positive results or a design that integrates parts, which also
gives a positive result. At the same time, in fact, there was a high correlation
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between the process and the result, but the determinants of the initial
choice are not yet clear.
Accordingly, the trajectory of social security reforms in the United
Kingdom and the United States after 2010 continued to reect common
views on the dierent characteristics of US and British policy styles. In
particular, the gap in the traditional view of the stark contrast between the
tough, competitive, and conicting style in the US and the exible policy
style in the UK and the EU, guided by consensus, is still useful to describe
the latest reform paths in both countries. Empirical analysis shows that
the traditional confrontation between the highly politicized, rigid and
limited regulatory style in the US versus the exible regulatory process that
dominates the EU, with little scope for parliamentary scrutiny and legal
challenges in the UK remains broadly accurate. In the UK, Conservative-
led coalition governments after 2010 could ignore resistance to cumulative,
essentially punitive changes to social security reform in the context of
strengthening public attitudes towards welfare recipients by adopting a
package of regulations with very little parliamentary scrutiny and limited
judicial scrutiny. In the United States, administrative exemptions, when a
federal administrative body waives legal requirements, have become the
main policy tools to try to make policy changes, but the use of bylaws has
become open to political and legal issues (Daguerre, 2020).
3. Discussion
The complexity of the study is due to the peculiarities of socio-political
changes, but after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the escalation
of the civil war in Syria, escalating conict in Ukraine, prolonged chaos in
the Middle East, the emergence of Islamic State, the crisis in the EU begins
to change. Largely due to the above events, the geopolitical world order is
in transition (Fard, 2019).
There are currently several approaches to the political situation
in the world in international relations: realism, liberalism, Marxism,
behaviouralist are among the main prospects in international relations. In
the light of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the subsequent withdrawal
of Soviet troops from Central Europe, the debate between neorealism and
neoliberal institutionalism became relevant. Realism and neorealism, as
well as to some extent neoliberalism, have also had a profound eect on US
foreign policy (Moravcsik, 1997; Slaughter, 2004). Neorealists dominate the
world of security research, while neoliberals focus on political economy and,
more recently, on issues such as human rights and the environment. These
theories do not oer sharply contrasting images of the world. Neorealists
say they are worried about survival. They argue that neoliberals are overly
198
Olha Y. Kravchuk, Volodymyr I. Zabolotnyuk, Yuliia V. Kobets, Oksana I. Lypchuk y Ivanna
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The Inuence of the Coalition Approach in US Policy on the Integration Processes in Europe in
the Post-Bipolar Era
optimistic about opportunities for cooperation between states. Neoliberals
face claims that all states have common interests and can benet from
cooperation (Martin and Simmons, 1998).
The processes of globalization have forced neorealists and neoliberals
to consider such problems and address new challenges to the international
order (Ogunbanjo, 2021).
The United States ranks high on the scale of most traditional power
factors, and more importantly, it continues to be able to shape and control
the scale and scope of international inuence of all other major players
within the modern global international system. The relative decline in
US inuence on world politics at the beginning of the new millennium
was in fact oset by a profound change in the nature of American power,
which is now taking the form of structural dominance. It is thought that
US hegemony is not doomed to weaken, given the enormous economic,
political, and intellectual inuence that the United States has already had on
international relations since World War II (Subotin, 2019). The continued
role of the United States in 21st-century international politics depends on
the ability of the US political class to adapt to and use the social power of
the many non-state international actors who must control the leading role
in future world politics (Ferguson, 2008).
Accordingly, the unication of states in international organizations (UN,
NATO) began to play a signicant role in the political coalition component.
Next, the dynamics between informal groups of states and the UN
Security Council are determined. Informal groups are thought to have
spread in response to systemic change (Baccarini, 2018). These groups
serve as a mechanism to overcome the structural constraints of the Security
Council and to voice stakeholders in the conict. In essence, they can reduce
the gap in the involvement of participants, which grows out of many aspects
of international conicts, which prevents the Council from formulating an
eective response to crisis situations. The processes of resolving diplomatic
problems and their collective legitimacy are also becoming increasingly
fragmented. Some are usually delegated to informal groups or coalitions of
states, while the UN Security Council provides the latter (Subotin, 2019).
Thus, two decades after the end of the Cold War, the system of
international relations has undergone some changes, and tangible results
can be identied (Prantl, 2005). At the global level, there has been a
transition from bipolarity to multipolar stability, mainly due to US
dominance and consensus of countries with great inuence in international
organizations (UN, G8, G20) on the foundations of the political situation in
the world (Prantl, 2005).
So, we believe that the need to ensure the security of the world
community has become a signicant aspect of foreign policy in the post-
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bipolar era. Accordingly, the US coalition approach has become key to
reaching consensus in resolving global conicts (Majinge, 2011).
This was the result of a certain conguration of hierarchy and power, or,
in other words, the balance of power and its recognition by international
actors. In the early 1990’s, the world’s leading nations recognized the
dominance of the United States and placed heavy and costly responsibility
on the United States for its role as a global policeman. However, due to
constant changes, this new world order proved to be unstable, and therefore
at the beginning of the 21st century there were active attempts to revise it
(Glebov, 2014).
There is still scientic debate as to whether the United States will lose its
position as a world leader (Brooks
and Wohlforth, 2014). Most scholars argue that the United States
will not soon lose its leadership position; rather, it faces a twenty-year
window of opportunity to change the international system. Europe, in turn,
has always been open to the rest of the world. The EU has never been a
clearly demarcated continent or a xed limited entity, and it has always
been characterized by a change in policy space (Glebov, 2019). Unlike the
United States or the East Asian perspective, the European perspective uses
a critical approach to traditional divisions. The author demonstrates the
added value of the European approach to international relations, given
both the shortcomings and achievements in European history and modern
European unity (Telò, 2010).
Thus, at one time bipolar system supports an increase in military
capabilities with a high probability of its use, regardless of the consequences
(Vakarchuk, 2018). The purpose of the post-bipolar phenomenon is not to
increase, but to improve for the sake of protection. The post-bipolar system
is still evolving, and this option is possible given the current trend that we
will return to realism with several stages of protection of state security at
the state level, at the organizational level, at the regional and general level
of support.
In general, the bipolar system was created by the emergence of two
powerful military-political blocs, for which the European continent became
a springboard for an aggressive policy towards each other. The post-bipolar
system was formed, on the contrary, due to the disappearance of the warring
party, which in fact means the absence of a direct threat, as well as lack of
pressure and control, which caused lawlessness in a certain area and leads
to new threats — regional armed conicts, escalation of Nagorno-Karabakh
conict). That is, the conditions under which they were created, and hence
the mechanisms of provision, are completely dierent.
In the early 1990’s, when the United States played the dominant role in
solving global problems, a post-bipolar system of international relations was
200
Olha Y. Kravchuk, Volodymyr I. Zabolotnyuk, Yuliia V. Kobets, Oksana I. Lypchuk y Ivanna
I. Lomaka
The Inuence of the Coalition Approach in US Policy on the Integration Processes in Europe in
the Post-Bipolar Era
being formed. It is in this decade that NATO’s new identity — one of the key
themes of this chapter — is gradually manifested and consolidated (Weible
and Jenkins-Smith, 2016). Like other international organizations (IOs),
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has become more complex
since 1990. In the following summary reports, this collection examines
the bureaucracy and decision-making process of NATO since the end of
the Cold War, identies changes in it, and assesses their implications for
external security and related changes in governance — changes in national
security policy transformation (Flockhart, 2014).
So, even when scholars have declared the end of the bipolar era, there is
still a moment of primacy in the United States, and scholars are still trying
to understand the exact nature of the primacy of the United States (Mayer,
2014).
Accordingly, the coalition approach has become expedient in the
conditions of need to achieve a sustainable political solution and security
results, even by rigid methods.
Conclusions
As a result of the study, we can conclude about the urgency of this
subject in the world. New geopolitical challenges following the collapse of
the bipolar system of international relations have led to a new balance of
powers in the region and changes in foreign policy.
Since the emergence of public policy as a eld of research in the middle of
the 20th century, the nal problem has been the development of theoretical
approaches for the comparative study of political processes. One of the
theoretical approaches that has survived for a long time is the Coalition
Framework. With more than three decades of research and hundreds
of applications spanning the globe, coalition approaches are now one of
the most established and widely used approaches to studying political
processes.
So, international organizations such as NATO have played a special role
in shaping the coalition approach.
In general, since then societies (USA, Canada, Great Britain, Germany,
France, Italy, Australia, etc.) are characterized by a community of strategic
foreign policy and foreign economic goals, which is associated with the
integration of globalization into political, economic, military, security, social
science and the humanities. In turn, most regional states depend on the
geopolitical world centres (USA, China, EU countries, Russia) of the system
of international relations. Regional states are forced to cede their national
sovereignty to the nancial and economic expansion of the world’s leading
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states in order to ensure national stability, security and development in the
face of global conicts. This factor determines the geopolitical unication of
regional states around these advanced countries, as well as the formation of
a common foreign policy to ensure the interests of the international arena.
Accordingly, the problem of ensuring security by the US remains
relevant today.
Let us note that the negotiations of that time can be considered as an
independent variable in the search for order in the world. Negotiation
processes were conducted according to one of the three models and were
based on the motives of nding a balance between the interests of the
parties and reaching an agreement. At the same time, there was actually a
strong correlation between the process and the result, but the determinants
of the initial choice are not yet clear. Decentralization and more or less
consistent development have been and remain reasonable and important
tasks of international cooperation. Today, the decentralization of economic
development has become one of the pillars of sustainable development,
which means that the economic development of any region is a global task
that aects all humanity.
The European Union is currently working to build a security alliance
that will make Europe safer by stepping up the ght against terrorism and
serious crime, as well as strengthening Europe’s external borders.
The EU oers its citizens a territory of freedom, security, and justice
without internal borders. The overall goal of the security union is to increase
security within the European Union. The EU and its Member States work
together to combat terrorism and brutal radicalization, serious crime,
organized crime and cybercrime. Therefore, we can conclude that the EU
plays a signicant strategic role in world security policy. At the same time,
it should be noted that the category of security has expanded signicantly
in recent years, which contributed to a dierent understanding of the role
and importance of the EU in security policy.
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